RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 28 Apr. 1815. Enclosures: (1) TJ to John Wayles Eppes, 24 June, 11 Sept., 6 Nov. 1813. (2) TJ to Joseph C. Cabell, 17 Jan., 23 Sept. 1814. (3) James Madison, “Money,” an essay written between Sept. 1779 and Mar. 1780, arguing that, contrary to popular opinion, “If the circulating medium be of universal value as specie, a local increase or decrease of its quantity, will not, whilst a communication subsists with other countries, produce a correspondent rise or fall in its value”; that paper money payable in specie on demand is superior to that payable at some future date, which depreciates; that “distrust of public credit” also leads to depreciation and has been “erroneously imputed to the quantity of money”; that neither monopolies, nor “misconduct in the purchasing departments,” nor a “deficiency of imported commodities” affect the value of money; that from the previous principles, it can be concluded that “a loan-office certificate differs in nothing from a common bill of credit, except in its higher denomination, and in the interest allowed on it”; and thus that issuing such certificates yields no benefit and removes redemption to “a more distant day” (printed in the Philadelphia National Gazette, 19, 22 Dec. 1791; repr. in Madison, Papers, Congress. Ser., 1:302–10). (4) Report by Monroe as secretary of war to William B. Giles, chair of the United States Senate’s Committee on Military Affairs, on the relative powers of the federal and state governments over the militia, 11 Feb. 1815, suggesting that recent challenges by several state governors to the president’s power to call out state militias and assign regular army officers to command them is “repugnant” to the principles of the United States Constitution and of “dangerous tendency”; that the “power which is thus given to Congress by the people of the United States, to provide for calling forth the milita, for purposes specified in the constitution, is unconditional”; that it was the “intention of the framers of the constitution, that these powers, vested in the General Government, should be independent of the States’ authorities”; that Congress has the power to call forth the militia to “execute the laws of the Union,” suppress insurrection, and “repel invasions”; that restraining the government’s power over the militia would “force the United States to resort to standing armies for all national purposes”; that state authority over the militia ceases when it is called into national service; that “nothing in the constitution” requires the president to command the militia in person, as some governors have claimed; and that the president has the authority to appoint officers and organize the army into appropriate miltiary units; with appended letters from the governors of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Jersey: Caleb Strong, John C. Smith, William Jones, and William Pennington, respectively (ASP, Military Affairs, 1:604–23).