1. Bottom’s Bridge spanned the Chickahominy River about thirteen miles east of Richmond (see also n.2 below).

2. Lafayette probably enclosed copies of his letters to Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene dated 28 April and 3 May. The enclosed copy of the former has not been identified. The copy sent Samuel Huntington, president of Congress, written at Hanover Court House, Va., reads: “Having received intelligence that Genl Phillips’s Army were preparing at Portsmouth for offensive operations, I left at Baltimore to follow us under a proper escort every thing that could impede our march—and with about a Thousand Men Officers included, hastened towards Richmond, which I apprehended would be a principal object with the Enemy.

“Being on my way, I have received successive accounts of their movements—on the 24th the British Troops commanded by their Generals Phillips and Arnold landed at City point, on the South side of James River—a Thousand Militia under Major General Baron de Stuben and General Mulemburg were posted at Blandford to oppose them, and on the 25th they had an engagement with the Enemy—The Militia behaved very Gallantly, and our loss it is said is about 20 killed and Wounded—The same day the Enemy whose Force is reported to be near 2500 Regular Troops marched into Petersburg—Yesterday they moved to Osbornes about thirteen miles from Richmond, and after a Scarmish with a Corps of Militia, destroyed some vessels, that had been collected there—But have not yet attempted to cross the River. Baron de Stuben is on the same side, and has removed to Falling Creek Church.

“The Continental Detachment will in a few hours arrive at this place, 20 Miles from Richmond—The Enemy are more than the double our Force in regular Troops, and their Command of the Water gives them great advantages” (DNA:PCC, item 156; see also Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:68–69).

Lafayette wrote two letters to Greene on 3 May, only one of which is in DLC:GW. In his first letter, written at Richmond, Lafayette advised Greene that the morning after the arrival of his corps at that city, the troops under the command of British major general William Phillips had destroyed tobacco at Manchester and the rope manufactory at Warwick. Lafayette had prepared his troops for an engagement on the heights of Richmond, but Phillips had declined action, kept to the south side of the James River, and then embarked his men and sailed down the river. Lafayette reported that his rank and file numbered “about 800 Continentals. … They find the Climate very warm But do not desert. I am going to move to Bottom’s Bridge that is on the way towards Frederis Burg and Williams Burg about 13 miles from Here” (Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:79–80). A copy of Lafayette’s second letter to Greene reads: “I had lately the honour to inform you of the Enemy’s movements towards Richmond and the forced Marches I was making to its defence the Detachment arrived on the 29th. the British Army was thirteen miles distant on the other side the river. Petersburg, Chesterfield Court House, & part of our Vessels had fallen into their hands—our regular force consisted of 900 Men Rank and File, that of the Enemy 2300 at the lowest Estimate.

“The Command of the Water and such a superiority of regular Troops, gave them possession of one Shore—there was no crossing for us, but under a circuit of fifteen miles, and from the number and size of their boats their passage over the river was six times quicker than ours. Richmond being their main object, I determined to defend that Capital where a quantity of public Stores and Tobacco was contained—General Nelson was there with a Corps of Militia, and Generals Stewben and Mulenberg hig[h]er up on the other side—The same Evening we were by summons from General Phillips, made accountable for Public Stores on board Vessells near the Town which he declared should certainly fall into his hands. next morning the Enemy moved to Manchester opposite Richmond where they burnt Ware houses, 600 Men ventured on this side, but were timely recalled, and being charged by a few Dragoons of Major Nelsons flew into their Boats with precipitation. knowing Genl Phillips’s intention against Richmond (orders for the attack had been already given) I directed Baron de Stewben to join us, and collected our force to receive the Enemy; but the same night they retreated to Osburn’s from thence to the Neck of land formed by James’s River and Appamatox, where they have have reimbark’⟨d⟩ Colo. Pleasants and Goods Battallions of Militia were sent on each side of the river, and gave annoyance to their Troops and Boats—The Enemy have lost some men killed, prisoners, and Deserters—Since the British Army landed at City point (some flour excepted at the Court house) no public property has been destroyed” (DLC:GW; see also Simcoe, Operations of the Queen’s Rangers description begins John Graves Simcoe. Simcoe’s Military Journal: A History of the Operations of a Partisan Corps, Called the Queen’s Rangers, Commanded by Lieut. Col. J. G. Simcoe, during the War of the American Revolution . . .. 1844. Reprint. New York, 1968. description ends , 201–3, and the Board of War to GW, 13 May, DLC:GW).

Benjamin Gilbert, an officer with Lafayette’s detachment, wrote his friend John Soule from Bottom’s Bridge on 5 May: “After a very fatigueing march we have arived at this place and are Quartered in piece of pine woods, nothing better then the topmost bows, to cover us from the inclemency of season. Generals Philips and Arnold have a f[o]rmidable army in the river and have taken and plundered all the principal Towns on this River. We had the mortificaton four days since when lying at Richmond to see the Enemy on the oppesite of river march into manchester, and burn all the principall whigs Houses and Stores together with a large quantity of Corn and tobacco and drove off near six Hundred Horses and Cattle and we not able to prevent them. They then moved down five miles and burnt warwick plundering every thing Valuable. They have taken ten sail of shipps and Brigs all well armed and mand, together with upwards of a hundred of Trading Vessells all Richly loaded. The Country appears to be devoted to their services, and it is as hard a matter to find a sincere frind to his Country in this part of the state as to find a Tory in the State of Massachusetts Bay. … We have very little hopes of success in this State, and our fatigues will be very great. We have worn out almost all our cloths allready travelling and gaming about and the gods only know which way we shall be able to procure more” (Shy, Letters of Gilbert description begins John Shy, ed. Winding Down: The Revolutionary War Letters of Lieutenant Benjamin Gilbert of Massachusetts, 1780–1783. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1989. description ends , 41–42). Gilbert wrote his father, Daniel, from the same place on the same date, saying that “publick affairs never looked in so Dubious and precarious a situation as they do in this Quarter at this time. The State of Virginia has not one man in the field for the War or three years and only six hundred men for 18 months, and some few Militia at this time. The Militia turns out with the greatest reluctance and cannot be prevailed upon to tarry more than one month.” Gilbert said he believed that there would be insufficient force to oppose the British “unless the New England states furnish Troops and send them here, for the Carolinais are little or no better than this state and Georgia is wholy Conquered and have raised troops to fight against us” (Shy, Letters of Gilbert description begins John Shy, ed. Winding Down: The Revolutionary War Letters of Lieutenant Benjamin Gilbert of Massachusetts, 1780–1783. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1989. description ends , 42–43).

3. The probable enclosures were Phillips to Lafayette, 26, 28, and 29 April, and Lafayette to Phillips, 30 April and 3 May. The versions enclosed to GW have not been identified. In his letter of 26 April, Phillips requested the release and return of an aide-de-camp’s servant (see Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:66–67). In his letter of 28 April, Phillips asserted that the inhabitants of Yorktown, Williamsburg, Petersburg, and Chesterfield had received “mild treatment” from the king’s troops and charged the Americans with firing on British troops from a vessel flying a flag of truce. He threatened “the severest punishments in return for this bad Conduct” but promised to “remit the Infliction of any redress We have a right to claim, provided the Persons who fired from the Flag of Truce Vessell are delivered into my possession and a public disavowal made by you Sir, of the Villainy of their Conduct. Shou’d you, Sir, refuse this I hereby make you answerable for any desolation which may follow in Consequence.

“Your Ships of War, & all other Vessells, not actually in our possession in Jas. River, are however driven beyond a possibility of escaping, and are in the predicament & Condition of a Town blockaded by land, when it is contrary to the Rules of War, that any public Stores shou’d be destroyed. I therefore shall demand from you, Sir, a full Account of whatever may be destroyed, on board Vessells or otherwise, and I need not mention to you what the Rules of War are in these Cases” (Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:69, 71). In his letter of 29 April, Phillips claimed that individuals granted “protections for their person and properties” had been taken up “by their malicious Neighbours and sent to your Quarters, where preparations are making for their being ill treated.” He threatened “chastisement to the illiberal persecutors of innocent People which their conduct shall deserve; and I further declare to you, Sir, should any person be put to death under the pretence of their being Spies of, or Friends to, the British Government, I will make the Shores of James River an example of terror to the rest of Virginia. It is from the resolutions of the present House of Deligates Councel, and Governor of Virginia, that I am impelled to use this language, which the common temper of my disposition is hurt at” (Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:71–72).

Lafayette replied to Phillips on 30 April: “Your letters of the 26th 28th and 29th came yesterday to hand. …

“From the beginning of this war which you observe is an unfortunate one to Great Britain, the proceedings of the British Troops have been hitherto so far from evincing benevolence of dispositions, that your long absence from the Scene of action is the only way I have to account for your penegeries [panegyrics]. I give you my honor Sir, that the charge against a Flag vessell shall be strictly inquired into . … This complaint I beg leave to consider as the only part in your letter that requires an answer. Such articles as the requiring that the Persons of Spies be heald sacred can not certainly be serious.

“The Stile of your letters Sir obliges me, to tell you, that should your future favors be wanting in that regard due to the Civil and military authority in the United States, which can not but be construed into a want of respect to the american Nation, I shall not think it consistent with the dignity of an american officer to continue the Correspondance” (Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:73, brackets in source). Lafayette wrote Phillips on 3 May that no evidence had been found to support charges of flag vessel misuse (see Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:492; see also Lafayette to GW, 17 May, DLC:GW).

4. For Lafayette’s report that Col. Joseph Vose desired to return to the main army, see his letters to GW, 10 (first letter) and 12 April; see also GW to Lafayette, 22 April (first letter).

5. Lafayette wrote this paragraph in the left margin of the first page of his ALS. It appears at this point on the copy.

6. For Lafayette’s decision to march to Richmond without his artillery, see his second letter to GW of 18 April.

7. Members of the Osborne family had lived near Richmond since the seventeenth century. For the British raid up the James River, see Thomas Jefferson to GW, 23 April, and Steuben to GW, 25 April.

8. Lafayette may have meant “we” for this word.

9. Lafayette likely refers to courage or morale.

10. See Greene to Lafayette, 3 April, in Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:3–5.

11. Lafayette’s modern editors render the struck-out sentence on the ALS following this word: “At all events I would Be very averse to Be joined with the Pensylvanians as they would spoil the Jersay Soldiers and fight first those or New England” (Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:83; see also the source note above).

12. Lafayette inadvertently wrote “at” on his ALS.

13. For the choice given Lafayette to remain in Virginia or leave his command and return to the main army in New York, see GW to Lafayette, 21 and 22 (second letter) April; see also GW to Lafayette, this date.

14. Lafayette refers to New York City.

15. Lafayette soon received orders from Greene to assume command in Virginia (see Greene to Lafayette, 1 May, and Lafayette to Greene, 18 May, in Lafayette Papers description begins Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1977-83. description ends , 4:74–75, 110–14; see also Lafayette to GW, 18 May, DLC:GW).

16. GW replied to Lafayette on 31 May (MiU-C: Clinton Papers).

17. Lafayette means GW’s military family (see General Orders, 7 March, source note).