George Washington to Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, 9 April 1781
To Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens
New Windsor April 9th 1781
My dear Laurens,
Colo. Armand, who was charged with the delivery of many letters to you from the Marquis de la Fayette, imparting to his friends and the Ministry of France your mission; unfortunately arrived at Boston after you had Sailed from that place.1 By him I gave you an acct of the revolt of part of the Jersey Troops—Arnolds Expedition to Virginia—Leslies arrival at Charles Town—and such other matters as occurred after your departure.2
Since that period, several interesting events have happened; some favourable, others adverse. Among the first may be reckoned Morgans brilliant action with Tarleton3—among the latter the advantages gained by Lord Cornwallis over General Greene. The Official accts of these I inclose you.4 Cornwallis, after the defeat of Tarleton destroyed his Waggons & made a violent effort to recover his prisoners; but failing therein moved equally light & rapidly against General Greene; who (though he had formed a junction with Morgan) was obliged to retreat before him into Virginia—whether from dispair of recovering his prisoners— of bringing Greene to a general Action—or because he conceived his own situation critical, I do not take upon me to determine—but the fact is, that here commenced Cornwallis’s retrograde movements; and Greenes advance; from the Roanoke to the place of action.5
On the first notice of the storm which happened on the 22d of Jany and its effects, I intimated to the French Gen’l the possibility and importance of improving the opportunity in an attempt upon Arnold.6 When I received a more certn acct of the total loss of the Culloden and the dismasting of the Bedford two 74 Gun ships belonging to the British Fleet at Gardners bay, I immediately put in motion—under Comd of the Marqs de la Fayette—as large a part of my small force here, as I could with prudence detach7 to proceed to the head of Elk8—and made with all expedition a proposal to the Count de Rochambeau & the Chevalr Desto⟨u⟩ches for a co-operation in Virginia, with the whole of the fleet of our Allies, and a part of their land force.9 Before my proposition arrived, in consequence of an application to him from Philadelphia, the Chevr Destouches had sent a Ship of the line and two or three frigates to Chesapeak bay which not only retarded the plan I had proposd (by awaiting their return) but, ultimately, defeated the project, as the enemy in the meantime remasted the Bedford with those taken out of the Culloden, & following the French fleet, arrived off the Capes of Virginia before it—where a Naval Combat glorious for the French (who were inferior in Ships and Guns) but unprofitable for us who were disappointed of our object was the issue.10
The failure of this Expedition, (which was most flattering in the commencement of it) is much to be regretted; because a successful blow in that quarter, would, in all probability, have given a decisive turn to our Affairs in all the Southern States—Because it has been attended with considerable expence on our part, & much inconvenience to the State of Virginia, by assembling its Militia—And because the World are disappointed at not seeing Arnold in Gibbets. above all, because we stood in need of something to keep us a float, till the result of your mission is known for be assured my dear Laurens, that day does not follow night more certainly than it brings with it some additional proof of the impracticability of carrying on the War without the Aids you were directed to sollicit. As an honest & candid man—as a man whose all depends on the final and happy termination of the present contest, I assert this—While I give it decisively as my opinion, that without a foreign loan our present force (which is but the remnant of an Army) cannot be kept together this Campaign; much less will it be encreased, & in readiness for another. The observations contained in my letter to you of the 15th of Jany last, are verified every moment11—And, if France delays a timely, & powerful aid in this critical posture of our affairs it will avail us nothing should She attempt it hereafter; for we are at this hour, suspended in the Bal⟨lance⟩—not from choice, but from hard and absolute necessity—for you may rely on it as a fact, that we cannot transport the provisions from the States in which they are assessed to the Army, because we cannot pay the Teamsters—who will no longer work for Certificates12—It is equally certain that our Troops are approaching fast to nakedness & that we have nothing to cloathe them with—That our Hospitals are without Medicines, & our Sick without Nutriment, except such as well men eat—That all our public works are at a stand, & the Artificers disbanding.13 but why need I run into the detail, when it may be declared in a word, that we are at the end of our tether, & that now or never our deliverance must come. While Alas! how easy would it be to retort the enemys own game upon them if it could be made to comport with the gen. plan of the War to keep a superior Fleet always in these Seas, and France would put us in a conditn to be active by advancing us money. the ruin of the enemys schemes would then be certain—the bold game they are now playing would be the mean to effect it for they would be reduced to the necessity of concentering their force at capitol points—thereby giving up all the advantages they have gained in the Southern States—or be vulnerable every where.14
Such of the Pensylvania line as had reassembled, and were recruited say about 100015 were ordered the middle of Feby to Join the Southern Army16 and since the disappointment of our enterprize on Arnold I have directed the detachment under the Comd of the Marqs de la Fayette to proceed thither,17 but how either can march without money or credit, is more than I can tell.18 With every wish for your success, & a safe & speedy return,19 and with every sentiment of esteem & affection I am—Dr Sir Yr most Obedt Servt
Go: Washington
P.S. I have this instt recd a Pensyla Paper of the 7th Instt containing later accts than any I have had from Genl Greene—published by Order of Congress. this I also inclose to you.20 Be so good as to make my best respects to Doctr Franklin.
ADfS, DLC:GW; Varick transcript, DLC:GW. For handling of the recipient’s copy, see GW to Rochambeau, 16 April, postscript.
1. Colonel Armand, who had initially intended to accompany Laurens, left for France after Laurens departed on 11 Feb. (see GW to Laurens, 15 Jan., n.2; see also GW to Armand, 12 Jan.).
GW’s aide-de-camp Alexander Hamilton began a letter to Laurens from headquarters on 4 Feb.: “Col Armand, My Dear friend, who is charged with the Marquis’s dispatches will set out in half an hour” (, 2:549–51, quote on 549). The dispatches given Armand included Major General Lafayette’s letter to Laurens written at New Windsor on 3 Feb.: “The Visit of Count de Charlus which has not Been Quite Stranger to Public Affairs, the Revolt Among Some of the Jersay troops, the Multiplicity of Sermons I was about Preaching, and the Assurance that Your frigat was Not Ready are the Reasons Which have So long detain’d My Dispatches.
“Inclosed you will find an Immense public Letter to the Ministry, and Introductory Letters to Count de Maurepas, Count de Vergennes, Marquis de Castries, Prince de Montbarrey, Mr. Necker, Count d’Arenda, wherein I More or Less and In proportion to what I think they know of the Secrets of the Cabinet, urge the Necessity of doing what You have Been Sent for.
“You will Also find A letter to Count d’Estaing and An other to Doctor Franklin.” Lafayette also enclosed letters of introduction that he wrote “Very Intimate friends” and relations, which he asked Laurens to deliver “to theyr own hands. …
“None of the Above Mentionn’d Letters whatsoever are to Go By the Post upon Any Account. There I speack freely of things Whom I would Be sorry to Expose. I therefore Most Particularly Request that In Case one of the Several friends to whom they Are directed was Not Either at Paris or Versailles, and therefore Could Not Receive his letter from You, You will please Either to Burn It, or Better to wait for his Return In order to Give him or her the letter.
“The General has communicated to me his letter. I think that to Give it More force On one part, and Make Some Expressions More wellcome on the other, It is Better to Show It only when ask’d for. I have Spoken of It to the Ministers as Confidential Betwen the General and Yourself, and Rais’d theyr Curiosity to See It” (, 3:314–16). Portions of known enclosures follow below, but other enclosures have not been identified.
In a letter dated 30 Jan., Lafayette asked Castries, the French minister of marine, to act as “Laurens’s patron at Versailles.” Lafayette praised GW: “General Washington’s talents, his knowledge of this country, his firmness, and his admirable prudence cannot be questioned. He pushes tactfulness to excess, he will be adored by the French army, and I believe it is militarily as well as politically necessary to rely unreservedly on him alone.
“M. de Rochambeau talks about New York a little as he would about Luxemburg. Colonel Laurens will put before you the state of its fortifications, which were just begun last spring, and I am convinced you will approve General Washington’s plan of attack. …
“With the means proposed in my letter I believe the taking of New York is certain, and General Washington has not the slightest doubt of it either. This expedition puts us in a position to do everything, and if you begin there, its success promises you very great ones afterward in the West Indies. I believe, moreover, that we have come to the point where there can be no more indecision and where you must decide right away to send us money, troops, and naval superiority. …
“General Washington has given Colonel Laurens a few ideas in writing and communicated them to me. I dare advise you to ask to see them, and I shall write Laurens to have him show them to you” (, 3:294–301, quotes on 294, 299–300).
Writing his wife’s cousin Prince de Poix on 30 Jan., Lafayette introduced Laurens as an officer who “served outstandingly well in a number of campaigns” and “was captured in Charleston. Since his exchange he has been busy levying Negro troops in Carolina, and he has begun by sacrificing his own fortune for this purpose. … I beg you to receive him in a friendly manner, introduce him to your relatives … be present at Versailles the first few times he goes there. Try to arrange for him to be well received, especially by the queen. …
“I am relying on my friend Colonel Laurens to report to you on our campaign, and the enumeration of our exploits will not overtax his memory. He will tell you that the English still have a considerable fleet off our coasts and that their squadron has not ceased to blockade ours at Rhode Island. … The flying camp I was in charge of was delightfully organized, but we had not the slightest occasion to do anything important. The few actions that did take place will be described to you by Colonel Laurens. He will relate to you also the capture of Charleston, the defeat of Camden, and the atrocious lies told by the British in their calculations of losses. Our troops have had advantages in the South and have even foiled some enemy plans. I have been ready for some time to go there, but many reasons, and especially General Washington’s wishes, have detained me here” (, 3:301–5, quotes on 3:302–3; see also Lafayette’s two letters to GW, 27 Oct. 1780).
When he wrote Benjamin Franklin, U.S. minister to France, on 1 Feb., Lafayette extolled Laurens: “His Up Rightness Candor and Patriotism Will, I am Sure, Engage Your Affections. His Appointement Which he Reluctantly Accepted, Being Wholly Relating to the Means of obtaining a Successfull Campaign, he Will, As An officer, Do honor to Our Army, And When Presented By you to the King and Ministers, May Give them a Proper Account of Our Military Affairs. …
“General Washington desires his Compliments to Be presented to you” (, 3:305–6).
Lafayette wrote French foreign minister Vergennes on 1 Feb. “to present Colonel Laurens. … Here it is not as the king’s minister that I address you, but as someone who, kind enough to consider me his friend, will not refuse to give my recommendation his particular kind attention. The officer whom Congress sends is completely worthy of this choice, and you will like his integrity, his frankness, and his patriotism. I have assured him, Monsieur le Comte, that he would find a patron in you and that, setting aside the reserve of a foreigner and envoy vis-á-vis the king’s minister, he must speak to you with that freedom and confidence that your special private interest in America and the personal kindness I would solicit for him would in this case justify” (, 3:307–9, quotes on 307).
Lafayette wrote his wife on 2 Feb.: “The person who will give you this letter, my dear heart, is a man I love very much, and I would like you to have a close acquaintance with him. … He is sent by Congress on a special mission to the French court. I knew him very well during the first two campaigns, and his honesty, his openness, and his patriotism have made me particularly attached to him. General Washington loves him very much. … If I were in France … I would provide him with every means in my power of making acquaintances or of spending time agreeably at Versailles. In my absence I beg you to be so good as to take my place. …
“A lot of Frenchmen have come through headquarters. They have all been delighted with General Washington, and I see with great pleasure that he will be much loved by the auxiliary troops. …
“The Americans are still overwhelming me with kindness. … I am serving here as pleasantly as possible. Whenever we are in the field, I command a separate flying camp composed of elite troops. I feel for the American officers and soldiers that friendship that comes from a long succession of dangers, sufferings, and good and ill fortune that I have shared with them. … To all these motives of concern for the cause and for the army are joined the tender friendship and mutual confidence that bind me so closely to General Washington and which contribute a great deal to the agreeableness of my service here” (, 3:309–13, quotes on 309–11).
3. Brig. Gen. Daniel Morgan led forces that defeated British lieutenant colonel Banastre Tarleton’s command at the Battle of Cowpens on 17 Jan. (see Nathanael Greene’s first letter to GW, 24 Jan., and n.3).
4. The enclosed official accounts have not been identified, but they may have included copies of Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene’s letters to GW of 9, 15, and 28 Feb., which described Greene’s retreat into Virginia (see n.5 below and GW to Greene, 21 March).
5. GW presumably refers to the Battle of Guilford Courthouse (see Greene to Samuel Huntington, 16 March, printed as an enclosure with Greene to GW, 17 March). Following the Battle of Cowpens, forces under Lt. Gen. Charles Cornwallis had pushed Greene’s army from North Carolina into Virginia across the Dan River, a tributary of the Roanoke River.
6. See Rochambeau to GW, 29 Jan., and GW to Rochambeau, 7 and 15 February.
7. GW bracketed the preceeding fifteen words on his draft and wrote “in cypher” in the left margin. For the presumable code, see Laurens to GW, 24 March, source note.
8. See GW’s second letter to Lafayette of 20 February.
9. See GW to Rochambeau, 19 Feb.; see also Destouches to GW, 7 February.
10. GW refers to the Battle of Cape Henry (see Destouches to GW, 19 March, and the source note to that document; see also Destouches to GW, 20 and 25 Feb., and 8 March).
11. In his letter to Laurens dated 15 Jan., GW had summarized their discussions about the urgent need for foreign aid to address supply shortages and pay issues.
12. For example, see Daniel Burt to GW, this date.
13. For issues with artificers, see Philip Van Rensselaer to GW, 1 April, and Jeremiah Bruen to GW, this date.
14. GW’s marginal notes on his draft indicate that he wanted this paragraph “written in Cypher” (see n.7 above).
15. On his draft, GW marked the preceding three words to be written “in cypher” (see n.7 above).
16. GW bracketed the preceding nine words on his draft and wrote “in cypher” in the left margin (see n.7 above).
Largely dispersed following its mutiny in January, the reconstituted Pennsylvania line included 960 rank and file (see Anthony Wayne to GW, 2 and 28 Jan., and Arthur St. Clair to GW, 2 March and 6 April). For orders that sent the Pennsylvania line to Virginia, see GW to St. Clair, 22 and 26 Feb., and to Wayne, 26 February.
17. GW’s order countermanded a previous directive for Lafayette to return to the main army (see GW to Lafayette, 5 and 6 April).
18. GW bracketed the preceding eighteen words on his draft and wrote “in Cypher” in the left margin (see n.7 above).
19. See Laurens to GW, 11 April, n.5.
20. The Pennsylvania Packet or, the General Advertiser (Philadelphia) for 7 April printed an “Extract of a Letter from Major General Greene, dated Camp at Buffaloe Creek, March 23,” which described the Battle of Guilford Courthouse and subsequent maneuvers. For the full letter to Samuel Huntington, president of Congress, see , 7:464–66; see also n.5 above, and Huntington to GW, 5 April, source note and n.3 to that document.