Adams Papers

From François Adriaan Van der Kemp to John Adams, 9 February 1793

From François Adriaan Van der Kemp

Kingston. 9 Febr. 1793.

Sir!

You, who are acquainted with mÿ character, cannot favour the opinion, that I should have forgotten, the different and conspicuous marks of favour friendship and confidence, bestowed upon me Since manÿ years, or be indifferent about it, how inconsiderable the sentiments of a forgotten farmer should seem to anÿ other man in your elevated station. I know, your Excellency is it not, and it is upon this persuasion, that I am bold enough, after Such a long Silence, to interrupt for a few minutes, your most serious occupations.

Though I considered it as a duty, it is with a Sensible pleasure, that I congratulate your Excellencÿ with the reëlection to the eminent post of Vice President of the Union by Such an distinguished majoritÿ, though a friend of Governour Clinton, being obliged bÿ Him bÿ his advices and adsistance, where ever I implored it and it was in his power; all which I was indebted to your Excellencÿ’s recommendations, when I crossed the Atlantic. Anxious I waited the issue, there the clamours of some scribblers—perhaps more ignorant yet than malignant, the odious intrigues of some man, who where hungrÿ of the Loaves and fishes, which theÿ insinuated that theÿ could more properly digest, and instilled a wafering crowd, that theÿ should taken a better care for their Liberties, and the Loud murmurs and hisses of a mob of different rang—always longing after some new, and ungratefully biting the hand, who feeded and sustained it in the daÿs of danger raised a suspicion, if the list of ungratefull Republics should not be increased with the name of that of the united states.

I am not angrÿ that men of principles and character Honour Governour Clinton with their suffrage— He is it worth in my opinion— and I believe it consistent with a high degree of esteem for the virtues, merits and abilities of mr Adams— It is not necessarÿ— Some times it maÿ be dangerous, to trust the highest offices, uninterrupted, to the same man; but to rob a man of his character—to abuse him with Scurrilities, traduce and falsifye his principles, is detestable. I Love him, who dares encounter his man in an open field, and trÿ, if he may over-power him, but who stabs him in the darkness is a monster.

No man, who knows, what I wrote, what I peracted in the defence of the Liberties and Independence of the United States all wel as of Netherland, who knows, what I left, will doubt, if I am a Republican, and You Sir! will allow, that it is not presumtion, if I think to understand Mr. Adams defence of the constitution as wel as the Largest number of our Americans, however, if Your Excellency had not altered his mind, so as I flattered myself to know it, I cannot detect that list of alarming doctines, as some wished to inculcate us. but it is unworthÿ of us both—to staÿ longer on this topic. accept Sir! mÿ warmest congratulations upon this glorious event, and permit me to join with them those of Mr̃s. v. d. kemp. that your welwishers maÿ receive everÿ daÿ fresh proofs to Strengthen them in the high opinion, theÿ conceived of mr. Adams, and that Envÿ, who Scarce shall be convert, maÿ, openly, re-echo your prayses, though She detest your Success in Silence is our ardent wish—

I amused myself this winter with the works of N. Machiavel, and believe the time not lost, with I Spent in it, Often he is instructif— and manÿ of our modern Politicians could Learn a great deal of Sound Reasoning by this So universallÿ damn’d Italian— with you, I think, that he rather is inclining to a democratic form of government, than an abettor of anÿ other.

Never I saw Davila—nor the discourses upon it— with both I should desire to peruse—for all—if the last are the Productions of your Excell̃: however— The Author may be, who he will, if your Excellencÿ think them worth mÿ attention, be so kind, and procure me them— perhaps they are not of that Bulk, that they cannot be conveyed to kingston by the post—and there shall always be an oppurtunity of returning them.1

How do I pity the Poor Louis xvi—at present perhaps beheaded bÿ a judgment of a set of unworthÿ man!—2 Petion, I know, is it Danton, Manuel, Robes-pierre,3 Condercet man—who sallustary would have delineated—quicunque impudicus, adulter, ganeo &c—4 our sentiments of the first french Constitution were nearly the Same, and I am proud enough of flattering myself, that there shall not be a great disparitÿ in our opinion on the actual Situation of French— Before I often despiseth the king, pitied him, after he carried violently from versailles, and considered him, after the departure of Fayette, as a devoted victim. His conduct was weak, imprudent, perhaps false treacherous his views—and then the loss of the crown was a condigne punishment—but he was not Charles the i— I wish, that the French people may be free, maÿ acquire a sound Constitution, and be a mirroir and example for other European Nations—but, without Such a constitution their seeming gigantic power will crumble in pieces, her present successes will then contribute to its fall, and the Enthusiastic valour will Sink so Low under true courage, as it was elevated above it at their first distresses— perhaps at the first capital check; and a Lieut. geñ. Egalité, if his Heart and head are better moulded than his Father—the Late Duc D’Orleans—may become a Monk—5 God forbids that I Should wish it—but all these consequences shall be unavoidable, if theÿ cannot get a good Constitution. Not yet I am an adept to their levelling System—yea, I Scrupple not to declare, that, to this moment I am unable to form me an idea of the consistencÿ of Such a Government upon their principles for 6 ÿears—24 millions citisens—all free, all equal—and however, some of these as citisen Philip Egalité—having large possessions than some millions of his Brother-Citisens sans culottes,6 and spending in one prodigal dinner more, as would Sustain thousands of them for a week!

If this produces a Serious laugh—a contemtible Should come up, if we entered the Secret cabinets of the Ferdinands—the Fredrics— the Willems and Wilhelmina’s— some moments I wish me there, but then it should be as an Public Minister—otherwise I was not safe— Let your friend than rather staÿ on his farm— there is no danger, in working—in improving it— here we are beloved, esteemed, and health and contentment is our lot; this can be made more yoÿful, if the worthÿ and the brave honour us with their esteem, if Your Excellencÿ disdains not to preserve me that place in his friendship, which I enjoyed before—and in that confidence, I dare venture my respectfull Complements to Mrs Adams, and am with the highest considerations of respect and Esteem / Sir! / your Excellency’s most obed. Sert. & / obliged friend

Fr. Ad. van der kemp

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Van der Kemp / 9. Feb. ansd 19. March / 1793.”

1Van der Kemp did not comment on JA’s Discourses on Davila until early 1806, writing to JA on 18 Feb. that he found the work “more elegant—more chaste and comprehensive together” than JA’s Defence of the Const. description begins John Adams, A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, London, 1787–1788; repr. New York, 1971; 3 vols. description ends (Adams Papers).

2Louis XVI, who was arrested on 10 Aug. 1792, endured a brief show trial by the National Convention, and was executed on 21 Jan. 1793. Marie Antoinette was guillotined on 16 October. Despite his long-held sentiments regarding the ills of European monarchy as a form of government, JA knew of the fragile economic and diplomatic relationship that hung in the balance as Franco-American ties again shifted. He reflected to AA that he hoped “not to exult in the Prison or Tryal of that King to whom though I am personally under no Obligation, my Country is under the greatest” (Bosher, French Rev. description begins J. F. Bosher, The French Revolution, New York, 1988. description ends , p. xix, xx, 180; AFC description begins Adams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, Sara Martin, Hobson Woodward, and others, Cambridge, 1963– . description ends , 9:390). See also Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 3, above.

3This web of lawyers-turned-revolutionaries included Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve (1756–1794), the former mayor of Paris; Georges Jacques Danton (1759–1794), an influential orator and minister of justice; Pierre Louis Manuel (1753–1793), a Paris police clerk who initially sided with the monarchy; and Maximilien Marie Isidore Robespierre (1758–1794), a leading Jacobin who guided France’s war effort. All four men served in the National Convention (Bosher, French Rev. description begins J. F. Bosher, The French Revolution, New York, 1988. description ends , p. xxxiv, xlviii, liii, lv).

4Whatever wanton, glutton, or gamester had wasted his patrimony in play (Sallust, The War with Catiline, transl. J. C. Rolfe, 14:2, Cambridge, Eng., 1921).

5Louis Philippe Joseph, Duc d’Orléans, known as Philippe Égalité, was a longtime critic of the monarchy and voted for the execution of his cousin Louis XVI. He was arrested and guillotined on 7 November. His son Louis Philippe (1773–1850) fled in 1793 and returned from exile in 1814. He regained the Bourbon throne in 1830 as Louis Philippe I (Bosher, French Rev. description begins J. F. Bosher, The French Revolution, New York, 1988. description ends , p. liii, 112; Schama, Citizens description begins Simon Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution, New York, 1989. description ends , p. 805; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series description begins The Papers of George Washington: Presidential Series, ed. W. W. Abbot, Dorothy Twohig, Jack D. Warren, Mark A. Mastromarino, Robert F. Haggard, Christine S. Patrick, John C. Pinheiro, David R. Hoth, Jennifer Stertzer and others, Charlottesville, Va., 1987– . description ends , 12:288–289).

6Between 1792 and 1793, the radical corps of French revolutionaries solidified around urban shopkeepers and working-class artisans who led riots, perpetuated mob violence, and self-identified politically as “sans-culottes.” They amplified calls to weaken religious authority and Christianity’s social power in France and donned workingmen’s trousers and red Phrygian caps to advertise their cause. Throughout 1793, the sans-culottes posed a grave challenge to the Jacobin government. Their influence waned once the Reign of Terror abated and the Thermidorian regime took root in 1794, marking an interim period between the National Convention’s collapse in July 1795 and the establishment of the Directory on 1 Nov., for which see JQA’s 23 Oct. 1794 letter, and note 7, below (Bosher, French Rev. description begins J. F. Bosher, The French Revolution, New York, 1988. description ends , p. 20, 32, 173, 176, 210, 211, 216).

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