Abigail Adams’ Essay on American Politics, post 18 March 1801
[Abigail Adams’ Essay on American Politics]
[post 18 March 1801]1
Mr Jefferson in his Speech; makes observes, that, He may [“]I Shall
often go Wrong through defect of Judgment, when right, I shall often be thought wrong
by those Whose positions will not command a view of the Whole ground, I also ask
support against the Errors of others, who May condemn what they Would not if Seen in
all its parts;”2 If the Same measure
was to be meeted to the new administration by the federalist, Which has so rancourisly
and maliciously follow’d persued that of
Washington and Adams Mr Jefferson would have little reason to hope for support,
however wise his measures, or upright his conduct; witness the vile publication which
have unceaseingly issued from the Aurora and other democratic papers for these 12
years past; these papers have received the countanance and encouragement of the
leaders of a faction, and the Heads of a party, Who by such means and measures have
wrested from the Government that confidence and respect which, was its firmest
Support;
I would request mr Jefferson to read the Letter of Lyons addrest
to the late President,3 and ask himself
Whether if there could possibly be amongst the federal Party a Character equally low,
mean & base he Would have any preeminence for
Shield to protect him against Such malicious Slanders, such grose miss
misrepresentations— to these and such like falshoods, propogated throughout the United
States, by the leading partizens of a faction, aiming with more than fanatic zeal to
obtain prosilites,4 is the world
furnishd with one more example, how the most important Services to the public, and a
long laborious life anxiously, and successfully devoted to their welfare, are rewarded
in popular governments;5 I hope and I
confidently believe; that our late chief Majestrate possesses a mind too firm, and too
independant, not to suffer this event with calmness and composure, or to think more
hardly of his Country than She deserves. Her truest friends I am persuaded will more
keenly feel his removal from the head of her administration than himself.6 In his retirement he will have, not only the
consolation of a consciousness that he has discharged all the duties of a virtuous
citizen, but the genuine pleasure of reflecting, that by the Wisdom and firmness of
his administration, he has, left that very Country in safe and honorable peace which
at the period of his entranc into office was involved in a dangerous and complicated
dispute, with more than one formidable foreign power— that without the smallest
sacrifice of National honour and dignity he has Succeeded in settling a quarrel with
France, Which under any other System of conduct, than that Which was persued, Would at
this moment have burst into a most ruinous and fatal War, or could only be pacified by
disgracefull and burdthensome humiliations— The Merrit of this System, is so intirely and exclusive belongs to the
magnanimous Character Who pland it,7
and that in opposition to most of the principle leaders of the Party friendly to the
constitution, and the Union; the Great Supporters of his former Election, and that it is my firm opinion,8
that to this defection of the federal party,
originating Solely in the adherence of our chief Majestrate to the system he had
adopted against their opinions must be asscribed his removal from the Chair at this
time; but if this be the case, it is not the fame or honour of Mr Adams that will
suffer by the result— The common and vulgar herd of Statesmen and warriours are so
wont to promote on every occasion their private and personal interest and influence
to the at the expence of their Country, that to
him it will be a great and glorious preeminence to have exhibited an example of the
contrary; of a statesman who made the sacrifice of his own interest and influence to
the real and unquestionable benifit of his Country. altho I am satisfied convinced that the Gentlemen Who Were So
much dissatisfied with the last Mission to France, acted from motives of pure patriotism at first, however they may have
sufferd Wounded pride and angry passions to influence their conduct since But in their
aversion to the last embassy they certainly proceeded upon inaccurate information as
to the general state of things in Europe, and upon judgments into which there enterd
more of temper than of consideration. Had the issue of the Mission been eventually
unsuccessful, it would still have been a measure grounded upon the Soundest policy:
but if ever the Wisdom of a questionable plan was justified to the utmost by the
event, it has been So on this occasion— The convention with France has not indeed
given us every thing, we could have wished, but it has secured us more than We could
have obtained without it, it has intirely removed the danger of a War which must
probably have ended in a dissolution of our union—and this Without giving any umbrage
to England, since the british Government have given a formal assurence that they See
nothing in the convention, of which they have reason to complain— That a Want of a
Stipulation for a compleat indemnity, for the Spoilations committed upon our commerce
Should have induced the Senate to have put this convention at hazard is Sincerely to be regreeted by a regection of that
article is sincerely to be regreeted9
when We consider how impossible any Stipulation of indemnity is to obtain where it
cannot be compelled, or how illusive and nugatory10 it would be if made. we must be convinced, as
well as the people of in general, that the
convention taken all together is highly advantageous to the Country; Let then a
thinking and impartial Man Compare the Situation of the united States on the 4 of
March 1797 when the President assumed the office of their first executive magistrate
with their Situation on the Same day 1801, when those functions ceased Let him observe
them at the first period, at the point of war, to every appearance inevitable with
France and Spain, yet at the Same time having the highest reason to complain against
the treatment of Great Britain—at the Same period in full and as far as human
foresight can judge, in safe and permanant peace with all these powers and let him ask
himself, how much of this favourable change ought justly to be ascribed to mr Adams?
the answer will flash with the light of demonstration. if mr Adams had been the man of
one great party, which divides the people of the united States, he might have
purchased peace, by tribute under the name of loans & bribes as one of the leaders of that party formally avowed his
disposition to do, under that of Presents, by sacrificing with pleasure, as
one of the leaders of that party formally avowed his disposition do, the rights of the
union to the pleasure of France, by answering her
injuries with Submission, and her insults with crouching. had he been the Man of the
other party, he would have lost the only favourable moment for negotiating Peace to
the best advantage, and at this moment would have seen the united States at open war
with an Enemy in the highest exultation of victory, without an ally, and in the
general opinion of the world if not in real truth, little better than once more a
colony of Great Britain
In resisting therefore with all the Energys which with which the constitutional powers had
invested the President, & all the personal influence he could excite amongst his
countrymen against the voilence of France, He Saved the honour of the [Americ]an name,
from disgrace, and prepared the way for obtain[ing fair] terms of reconciliation—By
Sending the late mission, he has restored an honorable peace to the Nation—without
tribute, without bribe, without voilating any previous engagement, without the
abandonment of any claim of right, and without even exciting the resentment of the
great Enemy of France. he has therefore given the most decisive proof that in his
administration, he was not the man of any Party—but of the whole Nation—and altho the
Eyes of Faction have shut themselves against the value of Such a Character, and the
legal & constitutional judgment of the Country, as express’d by their Suffrages
(tho God knows by what means obtained)11 at the late Election have become insensible to it. Still may our late worthy and respected chief Majestrate revered and respected as
he is the greatest portion of the American Nation he may with conscious
innocence & integrity appeal12 Safely and confidently appeal from the voice
of heated and unjust passions, to that of cool and equitable reason, from the
Prejudices of the Present to the sober decision of posterity—
a Lover of Justice13
MS (Adams Papers). Text lost due to a torn manuscript has been supplied from JQA to JA, 25 Nov. 1800 (vol. 14:448). Filmed in two parts at [post 4 March 1801] and [ca. 1801].
1. The dating of this MS is based on JA’s 18 March arrival at Quincy, for which see William Smith Shaw to AA, 2 March, and note 5, above. JA carried with him JQA’s letter of 25 Nov. 1800, which AA used as the basis of this essay (AA to TBA, 22 March 1801, below).
2. AA was quoting the fifth paragraph of Thomas Jefferson’s 4 March inaugural address. In his remarks the third president called for American unity and a toleration of opposing views. The address was published in the Boston Columbian Centinel, 14 March ( , 33:148–152).
3. Retired Vermont representative Matthew Lyon wrote to JA on 4 March (Adams Papers), blaming JA for his conviction for sedition and offering a blistering critique of JA’s presidency: “Your mad Zeal, for Monarchy and hatred for rational liberty, your love of pomp, your unhappy selection of favourites, your regardlessness of the public treasure, the heard earning of your fellow Citizens has divided the people into parties and fostered among them envy, malice and the most rancorous hatred toward each other.” The letter was published in the Georgetown, D.C., Cabinet, 4 March, a newspaper edited by Lyon’s son James, a point noted in the Philadelphia Gazette, 9 March, which printed extracts and stated, “This malicious, but imbecile production, is characterized by the ignorance and vulgarity which distinguish its beastly author.”
4. The remainder of the essay is extracts from the second through seventh paragraphs of JQA’s letter to JA, 25 Nov. 1800, for which see vol. 14:445–448.
5. From here to the end of the sentence JQA in his letter wrote instead: “As I know, that from the earliest period of your political life, you have always made up your account to meet sooner or later such treatment in return for every sacrifice, and every toil, I hope and confidently believe, that you will be prepared to bear this event with calmness and composure, if not with indifference— That you will not suffer it to prey upon your mind, or affect your health; nor even to think more hardly of your Country than she deserves—”
6. AA omitted the following here: “Your long settled and favourite pursuits, of literature and of farming, will give you full employment and prevent that craving void of the mind which is so apt to afflict statesman out of place; which conjures up a spectre to haunt them, or embitters them against their own species in a degree that renders their own lives miserable.”
7. JQA instead began this sentence, “The merit of this system too, is so entirely and exclusively your own.”
8. Instead of the previous five words, JQA wrote, “the general opinion is.”
9. JQA instead began this sentence, “Probably the
individual sufferers under the french depredations, and the party who declared
themselves so strongly against the late negotiation, will think the want of a
stipulation for complete indemnity, a sufficient stipulation objection against the conclusion of the Treaty—”
10. The essay to this point was filmed at [post 4 March 1801]; the remainder was filmed separately at [ca. 1801].
11. AA added the words within the parentheses.
12. AA added the words from the beginning of the canceled text to this point.
13. Psalms, 11:7, 99:4.