Respectable philosopher, I have the honor of sending you a copy of a pamphlet which is itself a reproduction of the notes that I printed in Philadelphia about the new constitution. In it, I advised the Cortes of the path that I thought should be taken, but which has not been pursued resulting in an immense waste of time, which was unavoidable, as it had not established the necessary foundations on which to build: in consequence, as soon as it touched on one point another became entirely unconnected. It has done good things, but it has left standing huge absurdities.

The first part of the constitution is approved. On the same day that the plan presented by the commission arrived, I quickly made the enclosed observations. It is weakened by gothic ideas, outdated books, and our antiquated preoccupations.

I am also sending a letter attacking Claros, an assumed name used by the celebrated bishop of Orense, who reeks of saintliness, who was regent, and who refused for a time to take the oath to the sovereign people, but who finally did it. In this paper I address various points of public law. Although I sign myself Claro y franco, everyone knows that I am the author.

I would be delighted to transmit the collection of letters that I inserted in the Santiago newspaper during the six months I have been in Galicia; but having only one copy, I cannot detach myself from it. I have spoken like a philosopher. In my writings I have opposed shouting long live the king; on the contrary it should be long live the Spanish people: I explained myself in this way: it should be long live the Sovereign, which I have never heard; but this grandiose moral idea is not understood by the people: it is more within their grasp to say long live the Nation and even more so (that which I prefer) to say long live the Spanish people. I have opposed the idea of calling our forces royal armies, but prefer national armies instead. This is not something to bother yourself about, however.

Having touched in one paper on various points in which the clergy has a vested interest, the monks have risen in insurrection: several anonymous authors have written to me, others have been published, and some have preached against me. I answered and crushed the first two, announcing that I would not waste my time answering stupidities; other anonymous writings have appeared to ridicule my antagonists. People admittedly still have many concerns that wise men cannot resolve, even philosophers, of whom there are a few. Yes, philanthropic Jefferson, their merit is such that I would set them against the wisest men in Europe.

I also send six letters that I wrote in Lisbon in the month of July 1810. In the last you will see a dialogue on the nobility.

In addition, I am forwarding a little essay that you will like solely because I published it in favor of a citizen, and against a judge.

I am not sending copies to your friend the wise philosopher Madison, because that would mean exposing myself to the ignorant, with their iniquitous interpretations of human actions. Incapable of recognizing it as an act of courtesy and respect to the enlightened, they would instead interpret it as correspondence by me with a declared enemy of Spain.

I do not speak of the progress of the war, because I have decided to avoid such topics with foreigners, but I hope you do not take this the wrong way.