From John Adams to William Tudor, 9 May 1789
To William Tudor
New York May 9. 1789
Dear Sir
Thank you for your favour of 28. Ult.— There is an entire harmony, between the two Persons you Speak of, and there is no probability of its interruption. The first is modest and the Second at least Shall be unassuming. The Constitution has furnished him with a justification of a cautious conduct, and imposed it on him as a duty.
Cæsar would never have been displeased, at a Compliment on his good fortune, nor would Marcus Aurelius. Henry the fouth of France and the late Frederick of Prussia, would as little have disliked it.— if I may, to you, my friend, in a familiar Epistle, mention myself after such Names, I assure you that I think I have myself enjoyed no small share of that same overruling good fortune, perhaps more of it, than the one to whom the Expression was applied; having been preserved in greater and more various dangers; tho not so happy in the affection of my Country men: Yet I never think of this fortune without Gratitude, and prize it much higher than all the any abilities, that any part of the World may vouchsafe to allow me.
I think as you do. of Duties and Drawbacks; that Patriotism is much wanted; and that private Interest and State Attachments present Us with a Choice of difficulties. I will add that Ignerance and Inexperience will continue to hurt this Country more than all the other Causes.— it has been our misfortune these fifteen Years, to think some of the most ignerant Men on Earth, omnicient.— These have sown the Seeds of nonsense, that will require time and labour to eradicate.— The Sentiments that I have read and heard in America these fifteen Years, and that I still continue to hear every day, even from Men of Education, Reading, Age, and travel, upon the subject of Government appear to me as extravagant, as the drivelings of Idiotism, or the ravings of delirium.—
a total inattention to every Thing in human nature by which Mankind ever were or ever will be governed is obvious in numbers who have the Reputation, and who really are Men of sense and Experienc as well as of letters.— our Chief has more just notions, and here and there one is to be found, who is quite right.— Mr Elsworth of Connecticut, appears to me to be more exactly and compleatly right, than any Man I ever met in Congress. and what crowns all, is, he is not afraid to think or Speak.— The Senate is a wise mild and noble body, of Men.— Yet I will own to you, I never knew a great Statesman in my sense of the Word who was not a Lawyer, and there are not many of this description—not more I believe than three or four.—
A motion was made Yesterday, in Senate, by a very Sensible and worthy Member and Seconded by another which I really did not think it possible that a rational Creature could have endured to think of, vizt “that the President of the United States Should have the Title of his Excellency.[”] The Maker and receiver of most illustrious and most excellent Ambassaders, to be called His Excellency.! thanks to common feeling, there was not a vote for it, but the two who made and Seconded the motion.—1 if the Constitution forbids Titles, Excellency is as much an Usurpation as Majesty—if it leaves Titles to be given at discretion Some one should be thought of, proportioned to the Dignity and Authority of the Office.—
at the Ball, on the evening of the 7th. at Supper the Ladies would not drink “the President”—they all drank “his Highness.”—2 The Ladies probably must settle the dispute.— and thus Accident, feeling Caprice, always; and never Reason, decides the fate of nations.— for the Fate of this Govt. depends absolutely upon raising it, above the State Governments.
A real Talent for Government, my Friend, I have found very rare,— in Legislation, in Administration, in Negotiation, apparent rari, nantes in gurgite vasto.3 and when they do appear they are never understood.— Sully, Colbert, Cecil, were neither comprehended nor beloved, till after they were dead.—4 a Man must take so much pains to carry little Points, that seem of no importance, that he is despized for a fool by many and not thought very wise by any.
J.A.
RC (MHi:Tudor-Adams Correspondence); internal address: “Mr Tudor.”
1. On 23 April Virginia senator Richard Henry Lee moved for a committee to select an executive title for George Washington. Controversy erupted, with the Senate and the House of Representatives debating the issue for the next three weeks. JA, sensitive to both the significance of diplomatic titles and the need to uphold the U.S. Constitution’s frame of government, supported efforts to craft an official title for the presidency. On 8 May South Carolina senator Ralph Izard moved for the use of the title “excellency” when referring to the president. Izard subsequently withdrew the motion, at which point Lee proposed the term “highness.” After JA rejected Izard’s proposed title of “excellency,” Izard began referring to JA as (His) “Rotundity.” Pennsylvania senator William Maclay observed that the “whole silly business” of executive titles was “the work of Mr. Adams and Mr. Lee; Izard follows Lee, and the New England men, who always herd together, follow Mr. Adams.” The title controversy ended on 14 May when the Senate approved the official title of “President of the United States” (Kathleen Bartoloni-Tuazon, For Fear of an Elective King: George Washington and the Presidential Title Controversy of 1789, Ithaca, N.Y., 2014, p. 6, 25, 100–101, 105–106; Journal of William Maclay, ed. Edgar S. Maclay, N.Y., 1890, p. 24–25).
2. JA and Washington attended the 7 May ball given by “the Subscribers of the Dancing Assembly,” along with most of the 1st Congress, several state officials, and a “numerous and brilliant collection of Ladies.” The 300 attendees “spent a most agreeable evening … every pleasure seemed to be heightened by the presence of a Washington” (New York Daily Advertiser, 8 May).
3. Virgil, Aeneid, Book 1, line 118: Scattered swimmers are seen in the vast abyss.
4. JA referred to French statesmen Maximmilien de Béthune, Duc de Sully, and Jean Baptiste Colbert, Marquis de Torcy, and British statesman William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley. The Duc de Sully was known for his work as superintendent of finances under Henry IV. Colbert served as French foreign minister during negotiations for the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht, and Cecil served as a key advisor to Queen Elizabeth I (vols. 11:388, 12:20; ).