Thomas Jefferson Papers
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To Thomas Jefferson from Martha Jefferson Randolph, 30 November 1804

From Martha Jefferson Randolph

Edgehill Nov 30, 1804

My Dearest Father

Lilly was here a fortnight ago to beg I would write to you immediately about some business of his, but a change on the post day disappointed me in sending the letters written to have gone by it. he says you desired him to part with 100 barrils of corn as more than you required, but he says he has got it on very good terms 16 or 16, 6 a barril and that there is not one bushell too much, on account of the heavy hauling he has to do. he says if the horses are not highly fed they will not be able to do the work and he thinks Anderson from whom some of it was purchased will wait till the first of february for his money. after recieving your letter he went to see Moran about the double payment that had been made, he pretended he knew nothing about it but that he would see Irving and it should be rectified, and that Lilly should hear from him in a fortnight. the time has past with out hearing from him and he fears he is gone to Kentucky. he is obliged to give up K. Smiths negro’s to morrow as he wished to get all the work possible out of them before they went he deffered going after Irving till their time was out, when he will immediately see him. the man that ran away the first of August has never been recovered. he begged me also to speak particularly to you about John. he is utterly averse to the idea of having any thing to say to him another year. his conduct is such that there can be nothing like honesty or subordination where he is. his wish is that he should be sent off of the plantation and indeed the instances of1 depravity that he mentioned in him, his art in throwing every thing into confusion, encouraging the hands to rebellion and idleness and then telling upon them so as to put Lilly out of his senses allmost, are beyond conception. he says John has frequently created such confusion by his art as to render it impossible to punish the very hands of whom he complained most. and pieces of ill will and mischief to himself inumerable. such as cutting up his garden destroying his things and once he suspects him of having attempted to poison him. he thinks it necessary for him to be allways upon his guard against his malice. he says giving up his labour is giving up nothing for he loses ten times more labour by his presence than ten such would do. thus far I believe I have mentioned every thing necessary, for the [. . .] of John conduct would extend beyond, [. . .] of any letter. I really believe him to be a most determined villain equal to any crime on earth—

we recieve the most flattering accounts from Jeffersons Master as a boy of uncommon industry and application the others are all going on pretty well and are all remarkably healthy adieu my Dearest Father Lilly’s business has taken up so much of my time and paper that I have only room to subscribe my self with inexpressible tenderness your affectionate Daughter

MR.

RC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); torn; addressed: “Thomas Jefferson President of the U.S. Washington”; franked; postmarked Milton, 1 Dec.; endorsed by TJ as received 4 Dec. and so recorded in SJL.

For payment to Richard Anderson, see TJ to George Jefferson, 19 Dec.

The letter has not been found, but see TJ to George Jefferson, 15 Oct. For TJ’s efforts to retrieve the double payment made to stoneworker Joseph Moran through William Irvine (Irving), see TJ to George Jefferson, 8 Oct., and George Jefferson to TJ, 11 Oct.

K. Smiths negro’s: that is, the slaves TJ leased from Christopher and Charles Smith of Louisa County, Virginia (MB description begins James A. Bear, Jr., and Lucia C. Stanton, eds., Jefferson’s Memorandum Books: Accounts, with Legal Records and Miscellany, 1767-1826, Princeton, 1997, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Second Series description ends , 2:1121, 1134).

Two enslaved men at Monticello were named John, both under the direct charge of Gabriel Lilly. John (b. 1753) was a capable gardener, but TJ also knew him to be “a great nightwalker,” and in 1800 asked his overseer to ensure that John did “his share of labour” once the garden had been put to bed (Vol. 31:363-4; Vol. 33:570; TJ to Edmund Bacon, 13 May 1807). John (b. ca. 1785), often referred to as Bedford John, worked in the nailery, one of five boys brought to Monticello for that purpose in 1796. His conduct does not appear to have been an issue (Lucia Stanton, “Those Who Labor for My Happiness”: Slavery at Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello [Charlottesville, 2012], 82, 322n62; Vol. 32:499-500; TJ to Edmund Bacon, 29 Sep. 1806).

1MS: “of of.”

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