To John Jay from William Laight, 3 October 1775
From William Laight
London, 3 Octr. 1775
Sir,
If my former acquaintance with you would not entitle me to take the Liberty of addressing you, The Interest of my Country ^America, which^ calls upon every one of its Friends at this unhappy period to exert his endeavors in her behalf will sufficiently apologize for this intrusion address ^shor[t] Epistle.^—1 A true State of the Situation of this Country cannot be uninteresting to one, who has been call’d on to take a part not inconsiderable in the Politicks of America—I have no interest in ^decieving^ you, & I call Heaven to witness, that I am influenced by no other motive than the best good of my native soil, which has ^too often^ been misled by false representations (I speak from Experience) from this side the Atlantic.
Since my Arrival in this Metropolis, (where you will readily confess that America has more Advocates than in any other part of England) I have sedulously endeavor’d to learn the sentiments of all Ranks of People with respect to the present un Controversy with G. B & her Colonies—Among the Mercantile Body with whom I am most conversant, there are many who ^say that they^ approve of the Principle upon Which the Americans first sat proceeded, but that having constantly changed the ground of opposition, & proceeded to unwarrantable lengths, they can no longer advocate the Cause;—Many also ^from^ among the same Body hesitate not to declare, that the Americans are in a State of Rebellion, & that the most coercive measures ought to be used in order to bring them to a sense of their duty—Others, the most inconsiderable in number as well as Influence, speak in favor of America, in general Terms, but at the same time declare, that while the Colonies are protected by this Kingdom, that they ought to contribute, in a constitutional manner their proportion of the Expenses of the Empire.—From the first Class, no assistance can be expected, not even by Petition; The second use their whole influence in Support of the Ministry, & will if necessary lend them any Sum of Money, they which may ^be^ required—the last are not of sufficient weight, if they should exert themselves to counterbalance those who are opposed to Them.—Much has been said of ^the^ exertions of the Ld. Mayor & livery Men of the City of London in favor of America; but Time must have already have convinced you, how feeble & ineffectual have been their efforts. It has indeed produced an Address to Electors of G. B. & instructions to the Free-holders ^Members^ of the County of Middlesex2 but in opposition to these & of much greater weight are the many addresses which have been made to
his Majesty from Manufacturing as well as other Towns, assuring him that they highly approved of his Measures, & were willing with their Lives & Fortunes to support the Supremacy of this Parliament over every part of the Empire—3 The Common People know but little of the dispute, & seem to care less—The Landed Interest are wholly in favor of Administration & during the last Sessions of Parliament were warmer for Coercive measures than the Ministry. The Commerce of this Kingdom has as yet been very little if at all affected by the Non-importation Agreement.4 This is accounted for by the demand for British Manufactures from various parts of Europe. Provisions are plenty & cheap (the last crop of Grain being very good) & No voice of Complaint^ing^ is to be heard in the Streets.—
The strength, Riches & Grandeur of this Island has not I am afraid been sufficiently attended to by the Leaders of the Opposition in America or they would with more caution have avoided ^have been more careful to avoid^ its resentment, for well am I convinced that if its Power should be exerted against our Native ^Country,^ that ^universal^ Desolation & Woe must inevitably be the unhappy Consequence. There are at all times Many ^Persons here^ who act in opposition to the Ministry, tho ^but^ it seems generally confess’d that there never was a Period when, in an Affair of so much moment as the American Controversy, the opposition had less influence or were more disregarded. What then is to be done to save America from Ruin? Tis easier to answer the Question? What has brought it to the brink of Destruction? The remains of this Generation, & Posterity also will have Reason to curse the Authors of the unnatural Conflict.—In this state of Imperfection, better most assuredly is it, to be contented with a moderate Share of Civil Liberty in enjoyment & well secured, than to be aiming at visionary Schemes of Perfect Freedom; the attainment of which must depend on Circumstances which are beyond the Reach of Human Prudence to foresee or human Power to Command.
At the meeting of Parliament, tis said, that overtures of a conciliatory nature will, once for all, be made to America. If these are not attended to—fleets irresistable, & an Army of equal force will be sent out next Spring, when then distress & desolation ^of the Deepest die^ will undoubtedly cover the face of the whole Country. For this purpose Money Sufficient can be ^is already offer’d^ & if Men are wanting Russia, tis said, has agreed to supply any Number—
God Grant however, that in the mean Time, the Phrenzy which has seiz’d too many of my Countrymen may subside that they may be enabled to see the things which belong to their Peace.—The Ministry here declare, that they want not the Power to tax the Americans ad Libitum, they desire only their
Proportion of the Common expenses of the Empire, & ^with^ that secured a security of its being paid.5 The Congress once said, that “they were at all times ready & willing to contribute that Proportion—” Where then is the cause of dispute? the Ministry adhere to the same declaration—do the Congress adhere to theirs?—But with a Congress I believe there will be held no Treaty—The Assemblies must resume their ancient Priviledges—therey must be no Repres—of Represen— who only are the legal Rep: of the People will alone be attend[ed] to If Peace the End why quarrel about Means. Do not object to Means.6
[illegible] You will forgive the Liberty ^freedom^ with which I communicate ^convey to you^ my Opinion—In this Land of Slavery as tis stil’d by some, there is one peice of Liberty which America cannot boast of—the Liberty of speaking your Sentiments, & without danger, ^of^ communication [of] your opinions. Adieu—Believe me to be ^remain^ with my most ardent Prayers for your & my Country’s best good Your sincere friend
W L
Foreign Powers give Assurances of Peace—
John Jay Esqr—
DftS, NNMus: Jay Papers (EJ: 373). Endorsed in an unidentified hand: “Copy of a Letter to John Jay Esqr.” New York merchant William Laight sailed for England on 2 Aug. 1775. Rivington’s N.Y. Gazetteer, 3 Aug. 1775.
1. Laight did not actually cross out the word “address” when he added “shor[t] Epistle” above the line as a substitute. This peculiarity is repeated several times throughout the draft, and such incomplete deletions and substitutions have been transcribed as though the material to be omitted had been struck out.
2. On 6 Apr. and 24 June 1775, Lord Mayor John Wilkes and the livery of London adopted petitions to the king denouncing the government’s colonial policy. When the king refused to receive their addresses, they published them in the press and used the Commons to attack the architects of the American policy. The Continental Congress expressed its appreciation for the petition of 6 Apr. in a letter to the lord mayor of 8 July. This letter was read at a meeting of the lord mayor and livery on 29 Sept., and the same meeting issued an “Address to the Electors of Great Britain,” which assailed preparations for war, denounced the ministry, and commended the colonists for their efforts toward reconciliation. The freeholders of Middlesex County met on 26 Sept. 1775 and adopted instructions to their representatives in Parliament directing them to oppose the ministry and seek a rapid disengagement from the war. , 2: 278–79, 1070–74; 3: 829–31, 785–88; , 2: 170–71.
3. Many of the addresses to the king denouncing the colonies are reprinted in , vol. 3.
4. The Continental Association of October 1775.
5. The Continental Congress’s “Address to the People of Great Britain,” adopted 21 Oct. 1774 (see above), declared: “For the necessary support of government here, we ever were and ever shall be ready to provide. And whenever the exigencies of the state may require it, we shall, as we have heretofore done, chearfully contribute our full proportion of men and money.” Lord North’s motion of reconciliation, adopted in Parliament on 20 Feb. 1775, declared that when any of the American colonies agreed to “make provision . . . for contributing their proportion to the common defence” and “make provision also for the support of the civil government, and the administration of Justice” in that province, the British government would “forbear” levying any taxes or duties in that colony except for those necessary “for the regulation of commerce.” , 1: 85; 2: 62–63.
6. Laight initially wrote the phrase “There must be no . . .” The second passage, “they who only . . .,” was added above the first, without deletion of the original words. The phrase “Do not object . . .” was added in the space above the phrase “If peace the End . . .,” again without deletion of the original words.