Thus far I had written when I had the honour to receive Yours of the 2d instant—and having been obliged to attend a fortnight’s session of our Court, & severely handled at the same time by a second turn of the Influenza, which is now universal in Hartford, I have had no leisure for an earlier answer.5

My Mother was Grandaughter to the Revd. Solomon Stoddard of Northhampton, Brother to the Col. Stoddard You mention. That family seem not to have preserved their former importance; nor to equal in present respectability my Paternal connections, who first rose to public consequence within about forty Years.

I believe there was some inaccuracy in the expressions I used relative to the affair of the Treaty of Peace. You ask me if I know the History of that negociation— I can only inform You how it has been stated by Report—That the negociations were ready to be opened before your arrival at Paris from the Hague—That the French Court were opposed to every measure, which could tend to the strength, or aggrandizement of the States, & wished to hold us dependent on themselves—That Franklyn was disposed to give way to their demands—& that Mr. Jay was under the greatest embarassment—That on your arrival the scene changed—That You ventured on a separate negociation with the English Ambassador, & procured Terms, which the French Court were obliged to ratify much against their wills—That the whole merit of this negociation must be ascribed to Yourself & Mr. Jay—That notwithstanding your success some Members in Congress clamoured, that You had gone beyond, or contrary to, your Instructions, taken too bold a step, risqued the displeasure of the French Court &c.—

I fancy by your hints the general outlines of this story are not far out of the way— I hope You will complete the history of your foreign negotiations, which must throw the greatest light on the Account of the American Revolution.

The King of Prussia, by your extract, seems perfectly acquainted with the character of French Politics—& perhaps of the Politics of all Courts, who have any—

The Ballance, as adjusted by Congress, between the Legislative & Executive Powers cannot be given up without eventual ruin to the Government. Without the power of Removal, the President is in fact a Cypher— Washington perhaps during his Day might support himself by his personal influence— But a future President must preserve his importance, only by courting the Legislature, & caballing in the Senate or house of Representatives.

As to the advantages to be derived from some appearance of Splendor in the American Court, it is undoubtedly true, that a Medium must be observed— A parsimonious economy, & democratic plainness is as much to be avoided, as the affectation of pageantry & magnificence. Perhaps we have begun rather below the true medium; but should the Government be supported for a few years, & increase in credit & resources, a sufficient degree of pomp & splendor would naturally be introduced. I conceive there is little danger on this point, & would only observe that it is often better policy to reduce things silently & gradually to their proper situation, especially when they tend towards it by their natural bias, than to give any alarm to the prejudices of mankind by telling them openly what measures may be eventually necessary. To give an instance by way of explanation— Had your real Sentiments, principles & designs relative to the contest with Great Britain in the year 1774, been known throughout America, they would at that period have occasioned an universal alarm. When I returned to Connecticut in that year, it might have been naturally expected, that I should endeavour to show my own consequence by retailing the doctrines & opinions, I had learned in your political school. But I perceived at once that the world were not ripe for the subject, & I durst not lisp a syllable about War or Independence, though I knew You had not the least expectation of a favorable issue of the Contest on any other terms. When questioned a thousand times on the subject, I was obliged to return evasive answers, & make my acquaintance believe that the Patriots in Boston had entire faith & credit in the efficacy of Petitions & Non-importation agreements.

That Mankind are easily imposed on by show & appearance is undoubtedly true, & it may be necessary to government to take advantage of that weakness—but it may not be politic to tell the People that they ought to be imposed upon, & that we assume that appearance for the purpose of Imposition. A Conjurer or Juggler must not explain how he performs his tricks—& to his art, the science of politics is often too nearly allied.

The Remarks of Rousseau undoubtedly have force—but would not an Advocate for Democracy observe that by his own stating, his language of signs, & his splendor of robes &c have been employed in all ages as the supports of despotism, & that he is peculiarly unfortunate in his modern examples of the Pope & the Doge of Venice—6

I can witness from my own knowlege of the history of your life, that You have not done yourself more than Justice in the account of your exertions, services & sufferings in the public cause— Nor do I believe those services so much forgotten or disregarded as You seem to suppose— That no strong enthusiasm has prevailed in your favor is easily accounted for— An able Negotiator may do infinitely more service to his country, than a General, who fights one successful battle—but he will not be equally the object of the enthusiasm of momentary praise— To raise the enthusiasm of the People, our services must not only be useful, but brilliant—nay ’tis sufficient if they are brilliant, whether importantly useful or not. As a Writer, You never flattered the passions, or adopted the false opinions of the multitude, but have exerted your pen to oppose both. Such a writer as Payne, scribbling to the passions & feelings of the moment, will for that moment be much more applauded, but must content himself with a temporary & decaying reputation— His Common Sense cannot now be read without contempt & disgust.

He who serves the public honestly & faithfully must often serve them against their wills— He must often oppose them, because they will often be wrong—and he must expect the attacks of Envy & at times a general combination to depreciate his merit— From this Washington has not been exempt— A Party both in Congress & the Army at one period almost succeeded in an attempt to deprive him of his Commission, on the pretence of his deficiency in military skill. In the choice of V.P. You had certainly no rival— All that could be done by your enemies was to deprive you of a number of votes. Many of your Friends were duped on that occasion— I will inform You how it was managed in Connecticut. On the day before the Election, Col. Webb7 came on express to Hartford, sent as he said by Col. Hamilton &c, who he assured us had made an exact calculation on the subject, & found that New Jersey were to throw away three Votes, I think, and Connecticut two, & all would be well— I exclaimed against the measure, and insisted that it was all a deception, but what could my single opinion avail against an express, armed with intelligence & calculations— So our Electors threw away two votes, where they were sure they would do no harm.

By the way is our Secretary H. a great Politician, or only a theoretical genius— He has great abilities besure— But I doubt his knowlege of mankind— I have never spoken my sentiments on his report—but I really fear some parts of his plan are too complicated—& perhaps at this period impolitic as well as impracticable—

I am exceedingly anxious for the present situation of the Public— Many things are indeed wrong—and I believe we must suffer many more evils, before our eyes will be opened to apply the proper remedy— Yet if matters should not be precipitated, all will at last come right. This is no time to desert the public— Your exertions were never more wanted. I shall be happy in knowing your opinions on the subjects You mention. I never had any other Master in Politics but Yourself, & am too old to begin in a new school.

I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect / Your most Obedt. Servt.