Adams Papers
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Abigail Adams’ Essay on American Politics, post 18 March 1801

[Abigail Adams’ Essay on American Politics]

[post 18 March 1801]1

Mr Jefferson in his Speech; makes observes, that, He may [“]I Shall often go Wrong through defect of Judgment, when right, I shall often be thought wrong by those Whose positions will not command a view of the Whole ground, I also ask support against the Errors of others, who May condemn what they Would not if Seen in all its parts;”2 If the Same measure was to be meeted to the new administration by the federalist, Which has so rancourisly and maliciously follow’d persued that of Washington and Adams Mr Jefferson would have little reason to hope for support, however wise his measures, or upright his conduct; witness the vile publication which have unceaseingly issued from the Aurora and other democratic papers for these 12 years past; these papers have received the countanance and encouragement of the leaders of a faction, and the Heads of a party, Who by such means and measures have wrested from the Government that confidence and respect which, was its firmest Support;

I would request mr Jefferson to read the Letter of Lyons addrest to the late President,3 and ask himself Whether if there could possibly be amongst the federal Party a Character equally low, mean & base he Would have any preeminence for Shield to protect him against Such malicious Slanders, such grose miss misrepresentations— to these and such like falshoods, propogated throughout the United States, by the leading partizens of a faction, aiming with more than fanatic zeal to obtain prosilites,4 is the world furnishd with one more example, how the most important Services to the public, and a long laborious life anxiously, and successfully devoted to their welfare, are rewarded in popular governments;5 I hope and I confidently believe; that our late chief Majestrate possesses a mind too firm, and too independant, not to suffer this event with calmness and composure, or to think more hardly of his Country than She deserves. Her truest friends I am persuaded will more keenly feel his removal from the head of her administration than himself.6 In his retirement he will have, not only the consolation of a consciousness that he has discharged all the duties of a virtuous citizen, but the genuine pleasure of reflecting, that by the Wisdom and firmness of his administration, he has, left that very Country in safe and honorable peace which at the period of his entranc into office was involved in a dangerous and complicated dispute, with more than one formidable foreign power— that without the smallest sacrifice of National honour and dignity he has Succeeded in settling a quarrel with France, Which under any other System of conduct, than that Which was persued, Would at this moment have burst into a most ruinous and fatal War, or could only be pacified by disgracefull and burdthensome humiliations— The Merrit of this System, is so intirely and exclusive belongs to the magnanimous Character Who pland it,7 and that in opposition to most of the principle leaders of the Party friendly to the constitution, and the Union; the Great Supporters of his former Election, and that it is my firm opinion,8 that to this defection of the federal party, originating Solely in the adherence of our chief Majestrate to the system he had adopted against their opinions must be asscribed his removal from the Chair at this time; but if this be the case, it is not the fame or honour of Mr Adams that will suffer by the result— The common and vulgar herd of Statesmen and warriours are so wont to promote on every occasion their private and personal interest and influence to the at the expence of their Country, that to him it will be a great and glorious preeminence to have exhibited an example of the contrary; of a statesman who made the sacrifice of his own interest and influence to the real and unquestionable benifit of his Country. altho I am satisfied convinced that the Gentlemen Who Were So much dissatisfied with the last Mission to France, acted from motives of pure patriotism at first, however they may have sufferd Wounded pride and angry passions to influence their conduct since But in their aversion to the last embassy they certainly proceeded upon inaccurate information as to the general state of things in Europe, and upon judgments into which there enterd more of temper than of consideration. Had the issue of the Mission been eventually unsuccessful, it would still have been a measure grounded upon the Soundest policy: but if ever the Wisdom of a questionable plan was justified to the utmost by the event, it has been So on this occasion— The convention with France has not indeed given us every thing, we could have wished, but it has secured us more than We could have obtained without it, it has intirely removed the danger of a War which must probably have ended in a dissolution of our union—and this Without giving any umbrage to England, since the british Government have given a formal assurence that they See nothing in the convention, of which they have reason to complain— That a Want of a Stipulation for a compleat indemnity, for the Spoilations committed upon our commerce Should have induced the Senate to have put this convention at hazard is Sincerely to be regreeted by a regection of that article is sincerely to be regreeted9 when We consider how impossible any Stipulation of indemnity is to obtain where it cannot be compelled, or how illusive and nugatory10 it would be if made. we must be convinced, as well as the people of in general, that the convention taken all together is highly advantageous to the Country; Let then a thinking and impartial Man Compare the Situation of the united States on the 4 of March 1797 when the President assumed the office of their first executive magistrate with their Situation on the Same day 1801, when those functions ceased Let him observe them at the first period, at the point of war, to every appearance inevitable with France and Spain, yet at the Same time having the highest reason to complain against the treatment of Great Britain—at the Same period in full and as far as human foresight can judge, in safe and permanant peace with all these powers and let him ask himself, how much of this favourable change ought justly to be ascribed to mr Adams? the answer will flash with the light of demonstration. if mr Adams had been the man of one great party, which divides the people of the united States, he might have purchased peace, by tribute under the name of loans & bribes as one of the leaders of that party formally avowed his disposition to do, under that of Presents, by sacrificing with pleasure, as one of the leaders of that party formally avowed his disposition do, the rights of the union to the pleasure of France, by answering her injuries with Submission, and her insults with crouching. had he been the Man of the other party, he would have lost the only favourable moment for negotiating Peace to the best advantage, and at this moment would have seen the united States at open war with an Enemy in the highest exultation of victory, without an ally, and in the general opinion of the world if not in real truth, little better than once more a colony of Great Britain

In resisting therefore with all the Energys which with which the constitutional powers had invested the President, & all the personal influence he could excite amongst his countrymen against the voilence of France, He Saved the honour of the [Americ]an name, from disgrace, and prepared the way for obtain[ing fair] terms of reconciliation—By Sending the late mission, he has restored an honorable peace to the Nation—without tribute, without bribe, without voilating any previous engagement, without the abandonment of any claim of right, and without even exciting the resentment of the great Enemy of France. he has therefore given the most decisive proof that in his administration, he was not the man of any Party—but of the whole Nation—and altho the Eyes of Faction have shut themselves against the value of Such a Character, and the legal & constitutional judgment of the Country, as express’d by their Suffrages (tho God knows by what means obtained)11 at the late Election have become insensible to it. Still may our late worthy and respected chief Majestrate revered and respected as he is the greatest portion of the American Nation he may with conscious innocence & integrity appeal12 Safely and confidently appeal from the voice of heated and unjust passions, to that of cool and equitable reason, from the Prejudices of the Present to the sober decision of posterity—

a Lover of Justice13

MS (Adams Papers). Text lost due to a torn manuscript has been supplied from JQA to JA, 25 Nov. 1800 (vol. 14:448). Filmed in two parts at [post 4 March 1801] and [ca. 1801].

1The dating of this MS is based on JA’s 18 March arrival at Quincy, for which see William Smith Shaw to AA, 2 March, and note 5, above. JA carried with him JQA’s letter of 25 Nov. 1800, which AA used as the basis of this essay (AA to TBA, 22 March 1801, below).

2AA was quoting the fifth paragraph of Thomas Jefferson’s 4 March inaugural address. In his remarks the third president called for American unity and a toleration of opposing views. The address was published in the Boston Columbian Centinel, 14 March (Jefferson, Papers description begins The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, James P. McClure, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– . description ends , 33:148–152).

3Retired Vermont representative Matthew Lyon wrote to JA on 4 March (Adams Papers), blaming JA for his conviction for sedition and offering a blistering critique of JA’s presidency: “Your mad Zeal, for Monarchy and hatred for rational liberty, your love of pomp, your unhappy selection of favourites, your regardlessness of the public treasure, the heard earning of your fellow Citizens has divided the people into parties and fostered among them envy, malice and the most rancorous hatred toward each other.” The letter was published in the Georgetown, D.C., Cabinet, 4 March, a newspaper edited by Lyon’s son James, a point noted in the Philadelphia Gazette, 9 March, which printed extracts and stated, “This malicious, but imbecile production, is characterized by the ignorance and vulgarity which distinguish its beastly author.”

4The remainder of the essay is extracts from the second through seventh paragraphs of JQA’s letter to JA, 25 Nov. 1800, for which see vol. 14:445–448.

5From here to the end of the sentence JQA in his letter wrote instead: “As I know, that from the earliest period of your political life, you have always made up your account to meet sooner or later such treatment in return for every sacrifice, and every toil, I hope and confidently believe, that you will be prepared to bear this event with calmness and composure, if not with indifference— That you will not suffer it to prey upon your mind, or affect your health; nor even to think more hardly of your Country than she deserves—”

6AA omitted the following here: “Your long settled and favourite pursuits, of literature and of farming, will give you full employment and prevent that craving void of the mind which is so apt to afflict statesman out of place; which conjures up a spectre to haunt them, or embitters them against their own species in a degree that renders their own lives miserable.”

7JQA instead began this sentence, “The merit of this system too, is so entirely and exclusively your own.”

8Instead of the previous five words, JQA wrote, “the general opinion is.”

9JQA instead began this sentence, “Probably the individual sufferers under the french depredations, and the party who declared themselves so strongly against the late negotiation, will think the want of a stipulation for complete indemnity, a sufficient stipulation objection against the conclusion of the Treaty—”

10The essay to this point was filmed at [post 4 March 1801]; the remainder was filmed separately at [ca. 1801].

11AA added the words within the parentheses.

12AA added the words from the beginning of the canceled text to this point.

13Psalms, 11:7, 99:4.

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