Adams Papers
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Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 30 May 1801

Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams

Quincy May 30 1801—

My Dear Son

Your Letter of March the 10th is before me; Your Brother informs me that he has one of April.1 It is true my dear Son, that I have read with much interest, and sincere pleasure, Your Letters to your Brother Thomas, and with many others, have been highly entertaind with Your journey into Selicia Whilst those Letters convey usefull information, to the Merchant, the Mechanic, and the Farmer, they are calculated to delight the Man of taste and Science, the lover of Literature; the Patriot, the Phylosopher, and the Divine. the Sentiments contained in them, are so congenial to my heart; that I feel them as my own; tho they wear a dress superior, to my talents to have given them; Your Newburry Friends who remember you I think with more attachment than any others, are reprinting them from Dennies Paper,2 to that they have given a greater celebrity, and a more extensive circulation, than all his other publications.

I have not been so remiss as from the failure of my Letters, I may appear to have been, tho I confess I have not written so frequently as formerly; before I left Quincy in October last, I wrote you a very lengthey Letter, (at the same time I wrote to Louissa)3 in mine to you, I Stated the divisions which had taken place amongst the Federilists, the causes which had produced it, the blind infatuation which had possesst them, and the concequences which I expected would follow; Hamilton found that he was not consulted as an oracle, Pickering that, he could not inquire communicate the resentments of his own Breast to that of the President; McHenry and Wolcott were drawn in by those Men to adopt Sentiments, and to pursue a conduct, which I have every reason to believe, the latter repented of most sincerely, but Hamilton was the active, the envious, the Secreet, and the unblushing contriver of all the Mischief— he had in all the NEngland States warm partizens, and great admirers of his talents, devoted to him; and to him as the principle may be attributed the Division of the federilists. he could not however bring NEngland to revolt against her old faithfull and long tried Friend, but he forced an other into their list, against the opinion, against the judgement, of the most judicious, and firm Friends of the Government; The other Party exulted to find that a division existed, they fomented it; and exerted all the powers of darkness to triumph over them.

[“]A Sceptre, snatch’d with an unruly hand,

Must be as boist’orusly mantain’d as gain’d;

And he that stands upon a slippery place

Makes nice of no vile hold to Stay him up.”4

accordingly Callender the infamous, is pardoned and released from confinement duane has been patronized by a remission of all suits against him insstituded by the Attorney General, Lyon has been call’d in as an adviser and counsellor with Steven Thomson Mason; and Gallitian is appointed to the important trust of Secretary of the treasury— a Man, who beside his being a Foreigner; was implicated in the insurgency, and took Shelter in the general amnesty, who has uniformly been in opposition to every measure of the Government, and whose every effort has been to pull it down, who cannot articulate a word of our language.—5 Such is the Man exalted to one of the highest trusts of confidence. I say nothing of Lincoln, & Madison, upon the principles of the Party. they are wisely placed. Dearbone will Show how competent he is to his Department. I presume he is not less so, than McHenry was— Many Men have been removed from office merely for their opinions, and those against whom any Charge of Toryism ever existed, however unimpeachable their conduct in office have been, are sure to feel the full effect of the new powers— Marshalls are universally removed where the power of chusing Jurymen lay with them.

“Allas poor Country, Thou art affraid to know thyself”6

If I did not apprehend a prospect of confusion, and had not a dread of anarchy, If I had a soul capable of rejoicing at the terpitude of Man; I Should be amply revenged to see the junto and their Sattilites so foild so mortified, so compleatly put to route; and that by their own folly and desertion.

“But the rarer virtue is in mildness, than in vengance

and I hold the World, but as the World,

An Habitation giddy an unsure

Hath he that buildeth on the Vulgar Heart”7

To say that Your Father and I have not felt for our Country, and for ourselves, would be to deny the best of Sentiments the consciousness of having merrited more gratefull returns from those who are daily reaping the fruits of a Life Devoted to the Service, and best Interest of the Country; I See not in him, nor do I feel in my own Breast, any animosity, or resentment against the World, or even those individuals who have maligned and abused us; we know what allowence to make for a Spirit of party which has unhappily taken full possession of our Countrymen. it is of all others the blindest, and most absurd. it refuses to do justly, to excercise mercy or demean itself Humbly. it blinds the understanding and perverts the judgment. This State has had its vibrations, and in some measure partook of the contagion which has spread from the Head, to the remotest Limbs. When the whole Head is Sick; the Body partakes largely of the disease.8 the State at large is sound; but the weight added to the light particles from the change produced in the National Counsels, have produced a various coulourd Fabrick; the Town of Boston represented exclusively by the most voilent Democrats, Jarvis Austin Fellows &c (of the Senate, a majority are Federal;) opposed to this medly, is a Federal Gov’r, chosen by a majority of 5000 votes—9 N York, all in the wrong—Clinton and Birds of the Same feather compose their legislature;10

Your prospects my dear son are not very bright. You must summons resolution and return to the druggery of the Bar. be not disgusted with the prospect; I know how reluctant you feel at the Idea; at the same time I know how zealously You will seek after that independance, without which no Man can feel himself happy.

Your Father and I were both much affected with the Fillial and affectionate tender of what, thank God we have not any occasion for; you know our Habits; and tho we feel many curtailments necessary, and have made them; we have many comforts and enjoyments; and we can adopt the words of Shakespear

Hath not old custom made this Life more Sweet

Than that of painted pomp?

Are not these Fields more free from Peril? than those scenes

So envied by others, but which will yeald thorns instead of Roses—11

I have had domestick calamity to encounter and a portion of sorrow which has weighd heavier at my Heart, than any change I have experienced from the ingratitude or fickleness of the World. I wrote to you from Washington soon after the Death of your Brother which from the circumstances which produced a premature dissolution, the State of Health in which I found him, the Situation of his Family, the prospect for them, and for me if he had lived; were of a most distressing Nature, and I could not but consider the Event afflicting as it was; as a dispensation of Heaven in Mercy to his near connection’s.12 Such was the infatuation which had taken possession of him; that he was lost living, and renderd every one misirable, who possesd a regard and affection for him— of his restoration to Reason and temperance; all hopes and expectations faild in his last sickness, which was rapid. he appeard most tender and affectionate he suffered, much, endured much, his mind was constantly running upon doing justice, and making reperation; early principles tho stiffled, now discoverd themselves; and Mercy I hope was extended to him; but it rends my Heart to think upon the Subject—in Silence I must submit

all that is left of him we have. His wife and two Children, they are fine promising Children. Susan I have had for more than a year; Your Father is very fond of them; and they amuse us in our retirement; Your Father is quite the Farmer, so far as the rural Scenes delight and amuse him.

I hope to see you return before the expiration of the Seventh year. I have had it hinted me that Louissa is like to become a mother. I shall feel anxious for her, untill I learn the event. She has been So unfortunate that I Scarcly know how to believe the report, especially when I know what a Tour She made through the Summer. My Love to her. She will feel I hope an additional motive to return to America—

I was very sorry to learn that through the mere wantoness of a Printer, you was made unhappy upon your Fathers reputed Sickness. both he and I feel the advances of old Age; Seven Years has “added to our furrows[”] but thank God, we are in the enjoyment of a greater portion of health than for many years past; Your sister and Brother were both well, the last week. hopeing that this Letter may have a more fortunate passage to you than my two last, I am my dear Son your ever affectionate / Mother—

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “My Mother— 30. May 1801. / 30. Septr: recd— at Boston.”

2JQA’s Silesia letters were reprinted from the Port Folio in the Newburyport Herald, 20, 27, 31 March; 3, 10, 14, 17, 24, 28 April; 1, 5, 8, 12, 19 May; 2, 9, 12, 19 June; 7, 10, 14, 17, 24, 31 July; 11 August.

3AA to JQA, 1 Sept. 1800, for which see vol. 14:392–396. Her letter to LCA has not been found.

4Shakespeare, King John, Act III, scene iv, lines 138–141.

5AA’s criticism of Thomas Jefferson’s executive actions began with his pardon of James Thomson Callender. Callender completed a nine-month prison term for sedition on 3 March 1801 and on the 16th Jefferson cited “divers good causes and considerations” in issuing him a presidential pardon. AA’s comment on Matthew Lyon and Stevens Thomson Mason likely arose from her knowledge of a letter from William Cranch to JA of 9 May (Adams Papers), in which Cranch reported that the pair were among six who helped Jefferson select candidates to replace those appointed to federal posts by JA late in his administration. She was also critical of the president’s newly appointed treasury secretary, Albert Gallatin, whose early opposition to a federal excise tax on spirits was seen by some as a trigger to the 1794 Whiskey Rebellion. The view was so entrenched that JA in 1813 referred to the uprising as “Gallatins Insurrection” (vol. 14:228; Jefferson, Papers description begins The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, James P. McClure, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– . description ends , 33:111–114, 125, 309–310; Jefferson, Papers, Retirement Series description begins The Papers of Thomas Jefferson: Retirement Series, ed. J. Jefferson Looney and others, Princeton, N.J., 2004– . description ends , 6:254).

6Shakespeare, Macbeth, Act IV, scene iii, lines 189–190.

7AA conflated Shakespeare, The Tempest, Act V, scene i, lines 35–36; The Merchant of Venice, Act I, scene i, line 81; and King Henry IV, Part II, Act I, scene iii, lines 93–94.

8Isaiah, 1:5.

9Benjamin Austin Jr., Dr. Charles Jarvis, and merchant Nathaniel Fellows (1743–1806) were among seven Democratic-Republicans who won Boston’s seats in the Mass. General Court in a 13 May 1801 town meeting at Faneuil Hall. The city’s delegation in the state senate was comprised of two senators from each party, though Federalists controlled the incoming senate by a two-thirds majority. For Federalist Caleb Strong’s victory in the governor’s race, see JA to TBA, 6 April, note 1, above (A New Nation Votes; Vital Records of Gloucester, Massachusetts, to the End of the Year 1849, 3 vols., Topsfield, Mass., 1917, 1:256; New-England Palladium, 16 May 1806).

10Former New York governor George Clinton was reelected on 1 May 1801 after a hiatus of six years, succeeding John Jay. Clinton’s return to office was “truly gratifying to the Republicans thro’-out the continent,” according to the Boston Independent Chronicle, 7 May, which also reported that “the Democratic ticket for Representatives to the Legislature in that great metropolis, has succeeded beyond any former example” (ANB description begins John A. Garraty, Mark C. Carnes, and Paul Betz, eds., American National Biography, New York, 1999–2002; 24 vols. plus supplement; rev. edn., www.anb.org. description ends ).

11Shakespeare, As You Like It, Act II, scene i, lines 2–4.

12For AA’s letter of 29 Jan., see vol. 14:547–551.

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