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Granville Sharp to the President, Vice President, and Treasurer of the New-York Manumission Society, 1 May 1788

Granville Sharp to the President, Vice President, and Treasurer of the New-York Manumission Society

London May 1: 1788

Gentlemen

We recieved your favour of the 28th of Feby last1 which afforded us much satisfaction & we have now the pleasure of informing you that our Cause is daily gaining ground in this Country Our Opponents have long urged the supposed incapacity of the Black People to enjoy the Blessings of Freedom & Civilization, as a plea for Slavery; but they now seem to be sensible of its futility.—Their Arguments, or rather insinuations, have lately been more particularly confined to the impolicy of abolishing the Slave Trade, on which they would have it beleived that the existence of the Plantations & the consequent Revenue of this Kingdom essentially depends—On the other hand it is contended, & we trust on much better authority, that neither injury to the Plantations nor defalcation of Revenue would eventually ensue—To the doubts industriously suggested by some who are interested in favouring the former Opinion we may partly attribute the Prayers of some of the numerous Petitions which have already been presented to the House of Commons requesting the mere regulation of a Commerce which no possible modification can rectify—But we are inclined to beleive that many of them were so expressed from inadvertency, or the want of it a thorough Knowledge of the Subject.

Remembering the declarations of the American Congress so frequently repeated during the Contention with Britain we could not but flatter ourselves that the late Convention would have produced more unequivocal proofs of a regard to consistincy of Character than an absolute prohibition of the proposed fœderal Government from complying with the acknowledged obligations of humanity & justice, for the term of Twenty one Years.

What may be the event of the Parliamentary discussion of this important Business is yet uncertain at present—the prospect is encouraging & though we are aware how liable those expectations are to fail, which depend upon simple & honest principles when opposed by the intrigues of Wealth & Power, yet we can scarcely avoid flattering ourselves with the hope arising from the number & respectability of the Patrons of this undertaking that it will at length be successful.—Our Adversaries, who had, till lately, been remarkably quiet, probably because they held our endeavours in contempt, have now taken the alarm, & use every artifice of Sophistry & misrepresentation to defeat our purpose—One of their most plausible Allegations is that, if the British Nation should lay down the Trade, other Nations will take it up; & therefore that the situation of the Africans would not be improved, though England would sustain a considerable loss.—The reply is obvious; that this Nation ought to do right what is right, let others do as they please; & we have a strong persuasion that, on the whole, the African Trade is a losing one to this Country.—It is however our present wish, that an appeal might be made to the Humanity of other Countries & Governments; & for this purpose we some time ago commenced a Correspondence in France; & a Society is now forming there, whose Object it will be to diffuse the Knowledge of this Traffic & shew it in its true Colours—It may perhaps be in your Power to assist our Views in thus extending the Sphere of Action.

The Privy Council is now engaged in enquiries into the Slave Trade, & the Colonial Slavery; & we expect the Subject will shortly be investigated in Parliament.—2 The University of Cambridge has expressed its sense of it, in a very forcible manner Petition to the House of Commons; & the Clergy of the established Church in many other parts have equally testified their Zeal in the Common Cause. Many Counties, Cities, & Towns have sent up Petitions—Amongst the Cities we have the satisfaction to enumerate Bristol one capital Seat of the African Trade—The Presbyterians, Independents, & Baptists have Petitioned collectively; & the religious Society called Quakers have repeated their applications on the occasion—

More Petitions are expected from various Quarters—The Attempt to retrieve the National Character & assert the common Rights of our Nature has awakened the attention, & excited the good wishes of People of all descriptions—It was only necessary that the Torch of Truth should be lighted to flash conviction in the face of Humanity.—But Avarice is wilfully blind—One solitary Petition is come p against us from the Town of Liverpool, yet we are not without Well-wishers, & even Advocates in that Semenary of the Slave Traders.

We shall herewith send you some Copies of this Committees Report to our Society at large,3 as also such other of the Tracts lately published here on the Subject as we can collect: someof these you may think it proper to republish & we shall be obliged by any Returns of the same kind you may be able to make.

Referring you to our Report for further information respecting our proceedings we have only to repeat our sincere Wishes that yours may meet with the success they deserve. I am, with great respect, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and most humble Servant

Granville Sharp
Chairman of the Committee

LS, NNC (EJ: 8626). Endorsed.

1NYMS to London Society, 20 Feb. 1788, C, NHi: NYMS: Minutes for 21 Feb. 1788 (EJ: 630).

2During the years 1788–91 the slave trade was a subject of Parliamentary debate. William Wilberforce would soon introduce (1789) some twelve resolutions against the slave trade, and evidence was taken before a committee of the House of Commons, although no legislative action was taken as an immediate result thereof. See William Cobbett and the Parliament of Great Britain, The Parliamentary History of England from the earliest period to the year 1803: from which last-mentioned epoch it is continued downwards in the work entitled “The Parliamentary Debates” (36 vols.; London: 1806–20), 27: 495–501; Parliament of Great Britain, Abridgment of the Minutes of the evidence taken before a Committee of the Whole House: to whom it was referrred to consider of the slave-trade, 1789–90 (London, 1789–91).

3The Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade, At a Committee of the Society Instituted in 1787 for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade: Resolved that the Following Report be Published for the Information of the Members of this Institution (London, 1788).

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