John Jay Papers
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To John Jay from Lafayette, 11 February 1786

From Lafayette

Paris February the 11th 1786

Dear Sir

I Have not Had for a long time the Honour to Address you either in public or private letters—this is owing to a tour I made through several parts of Europe, and to a derangement in the packets which to my great Concern I found to Have taken place during my absence

in the Course of a journey to prussia, Silesia, the Austrian dominions, and Back again to Berlin, I Could not But Have many Opportunities to improve myself By the inspection of famous fields of Battle, the Conversation of the Greatest Generals, and the Sight of Excellent troops, those of prussia particularly Exceeding my Expectations—I Had occasions not less numerous to lament the folly of Nations who ^can^ Bear a despotic Government, and to pay a New tribute of Respect and Attachment to the Constitutional principles we Had the Happiness to establish—Wherever I went; America was of Course a topic in the Conversation—Her efforts during the Contest are universally Admired—and in the transactions which Have so gloriously taken place, there is a large field of Enthusiasm for the Soldier, of wonder and Applause for the politician, and to the philosopher, the philanthrope they are a matter of Unspeakable delight and I could Say of Adoration—those Sentiments I Had the pleasure to find Generally diffused—But to my Great Sorrow, (and I will the more Candidly tell it in this letter as it can Hurt none more than it Hurts myself) I did not find that Every Remark equally turn to the Advantage of my pride, and of that Satisfaction I feel in the Admiration of the world for the United States

in Countries so far distant, under Constitutions So foreign to Republican Notions, the affairs of America Cannot Be thoroughly Understood, and such inconveniences as we lament ourselves are Greatly Exagerated by Her Enemies—it would Require almost a Volume to Relate how many mistaken ideas I Had the Opportunity to Set to Rights—and it Has Been painful for me to Hear, it is now disagreable to mention the Bad effect which the want of fœderal union, of effective arrangements for the finances and Commerce of a General Establishment of militia Had on the Minds of European Nations—it is foolishly thought By Some that democratical Constitutions will not, Cannot last, that the States will quarrel with each other, that a King or at least a nobility are indispensable for the prosperity of a Nation, But I would not attend to those Absurdities, as they are Answered By the smallest particle of Unprejudiced Common sense, and will I Hope Be for ever destroyed By the Example of America—But it was impossible for me to feel so much Unconcerned, when those points were insisted upon for which I could not But Aknowledge within Myself there was some Ground altho it was so Unfairly broached upon By the Enemies of the United States—it is an object with the European Governments to check and discourage the spirit of Emigration which, I Hope, will Encrease Among the Germans with a more perfect knowledge of the situation of America—and while I was enjoying the Admiration and Respect of those parts of the world for the Rising ^Sun^ Rise of the United States, while I was obliged to Hear Some Remarks, which altho they were Exagerated did not seem to me quite destitute of a foundation, I Heartily Addressed my prayers to Heaven that By their known wisdom, patriotism, and liberality of principles as well as firmness of Conduct America may preserve the Consequence she Has so well Acquired, and Continue to Command the Admiration of the World

What I now Have the Honor to write is the Result of Conversations with the principal Characters in the Countries I Have Visited, and particularly the Austrian and prussian Ministers, the Emperor, duke of Brunswick, prince Henry, a Man Equally Great and Virtuous, ^the prince Royal^ and the King of prussia—with the later one I Have often dined in the Company of the duke of York second Son to His Britannic Majesty—when American Ppast and present affairs were Brought on the Carpet, and some times in a manner not a little embarassing for an English prince—My Stay at Vienna was short, But I Had a [illegible] ^very^ long Conference with the Emperor, where we spoke much of American trade, and I found He Had imbibed British prejudices—The next day prince de Kaunitz introduced the Same Subject to me, and Expressed Some Astonishment that the United States did not make advances towards the Emperor—I answered Advances Had Been made formerly, and more than were necessary on the part of America which there was a[s] much occasion to Court, as for her to seek for alliances—But that my Attachment to his Imperial Majesty made me wish He would Address on that Business the Ministers of Congress now at paris and London through the medium of His Ambassadors—I added that the Best measure to be taken immediately was to open the italian ports to American fish—But I do not think the United States will ever find a very Extensive Commercial Benefit in Her treaties with that Court1

In Every thing that Concerns france my Respected Mr Jefferson will give you Sufficient information—the affair of American Commerce wears a Better prospect than it Has Hitherto done—So far at least that a Committee Has Been Appointed to Hear what we Have to Say on the trade Between this Kingdom and the United States

The King of prussia is very unwell and Cannot live more than two ^many^ Months—His Nephew is an Honest, firm, and military Man—from the Emperor’s temper a War Could Be feared—But our System is so pacific, and it will be so difficult for England to involve us in a quarrel without acting a part which She Has no interest to do, that I dont think the tranquillity of Europe will be deranged—Holland is checking Stadtholderian influence But no farther—the King of Naples and His father are quarrelling on Account of a Minister leaning to the House of Bourbon, and devoted to other powers whom the Son wants to keep—I Had lately an opportunity to know that the last Revolt in peru Has Cost Hundred thousand lives—2 But from the Same Account I find that those people are far Remote from those ideas which lead to a Sensible Revolution. you Have so Excellent Accounts of English politicks and their ideas with Respect to the forts, I shall only observe that in a Certain Case, neither probable nor to be wished, Congress will no doubt Call on His Servants, and that Among the [man kind?] there is one very heartily devoted to them.

^[in margin] I Beg, my dear Sir, You will present my affectionate Respects to mrs jay—Remember me to your family and friends and Believe me with the Utmost Regard and Unfeigned Attachment dear Sir Your obd: hble servant^

Lafayette

ALS, DNA: PCC, item 156, 446–49 (EJ: 2605). Incomplete in DC, description begins William A. Weaver, ed., Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States of America, from the Signing of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, 10th September, 1783, to the Adoption of the Constitution, March 4, 1789 (7 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1833–34) description ends 1: 439–42, and in SDC, description begins Jared Sparks, ed., The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution (12 vols.; Boston, 1829–30) description ends 10: 53–56.

1On negotiations for a commercial treaty with Austria, see Beelen-Bertholff to JJ, at 14 Sept. 1785, above. On the commercial treaty with Prussia, see JJ to JA, 4 May 1786 (second letter), below.

2The largely indigenous rebellion led by Tupuc Amaru and his successors in the early 1780s spread from southern Peru to most of Bolivia and some of Argentina. It was brutally suppressed by Spain, with victims on both sides numbering not less than eighty thousand. See Charles F. Walker, Smoldering Ashes: Cuzco and the Creation of Republican Peru, 1780–1840 (Durham, N.C., and London, 1999), 1–83.

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