I was not very easy on the noon when you first saw me; but I was still less so at dinner, to find there was no post. There was also no post the next day. Judge then my happiness, at finding Mr Potter, with letters that contained a little girl, which they called very beautiful; all but the upper lip, which they said was like mine; & Mrs Vaughan, as well as possible. I am not fond of ^shewing^ my concern in things; but I hope every thing I meddle with, will not bear like ill marks of me.

I write this letter, however, not to be merry, but simply to hope that you will leave things open some short space longer. The person you have with you,1 seems a very good tempered man; but I assure you we have at home, better natured statesmen, let him say as civil things as he will.

I have also to request your turning your thought to the imperfect power of congress in foreign negotiations. By & by, you may negotiate on your own soil, or in some of the Western Islands; but, for some time to come, you must negotiate in Europe; and, added to the necessary delay of a voyage, it is a very disadvantageous thing, to add the delay of geography, and waiting for assemblies meeting. Internal power may be very dangerous to increase, in the hands of congress, because it may alter your internal balance; but in foreign politics, you act ^externally and^ as a whole. If the colonies are ^inclined or^ averse to any particular point, that ^may^ come to issue in a negotiation, they may easily instruct their delegates previously; who may instruct the negotiators. Congress itself, as well as the separate assemblies, is a representative body however; and cannot be ignorant of the interests, and still less of the sentiments, of those who represent delegate them.— I own, I think it as important sometimes for the powers directing a negotiation, to be as speedy & secret in their exertions, as for those which are to directed an army. A measure in negotiation, may relate to the suppression of the use of armies; or, which is more in point, to the obtaining of a new ally, or pacifying an old enemy.— In short, if ever America wants a supreme power over its several parts, it is, when it acts as a whole; and it never acts more as a whole, than when it settles with foreign powers.— I think farther, that the particular states, when they ^wish to^ take measures that relate to foreign affairs, ought at least to advise upon the propriety of them with congress; who is to be supposed best informed in the scheme of foreign interests and affairs—I think you considered ^England^ as a foreign power, in every article, but two; I mean the refugees, & English creditors; and there it would have been well to have left the matter to the interference of congress, as foreign, & not as domestick.— I should almost think that even every foreign traitor, should be judged by a general power or a general assent; as that which may call for a common measure in the and consequence, ought to have a common consent in the course of it.— I speak all this with deference; but as amicus curiae;2 and with a sense of ill-consequences that may attend this defect in your mode of confederation, both respecting your own interests & those of the powers who may have to deal with you.— But to return to private affairs.

You wished I would get you a sword, in doing which I shall take a particular interest; but I beg you will inform my brother3 of the price & fashion.— I had much rather send you an olive branch, which I trust is more than a summer plant. however

I know your time is now precious & therefore I will not longer intrude; but I wish I could write the dispatches you are to send by the Washington Packet, which I observe you detain for the purpose. With my sincerest respects to Mrs. Jay, & my thanks for both your condescensions towards me, I have the honor to be, dear sir, your faithful & respectful friend & humble servant,