John Jay Papers
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From John Jay to the President of Congress (Samuel Huntington), 26 May 1780

To the President of Congress (Samuel Huntington)

Madrid 26th: May 1780.

Sir,

Since my Departure from America I have had the Honor of writing the following Letters to your Excellency Vizt. 20′ 22′ 24′ 25′ 25′ 26′ and 27th. December 1779 from Martinique, and 27th. January, 20′ 28′ 29th. February 3 3′ 3′ 3d. March 1780 from Cadis. I am still uncertain whether any and which of them, have come to your Hands; and request the favor of particular Information on this Subject.1

Of such of them as respect immediately the Business committed to me, I now send Duplicates; as well as Copies of such other Papers, as, taken collectively will give Congress a full and accurate State of their Affairs here.

This Packet, of which an exact Copy goes by another Vessel, will appear voluminous. It will nevertheless be found interesting. I have interspersed such observations as to me appeared proper for the Purpose of Explanation.

On the 22d. January 1780 I arrived at Cadis, without Letters of Credit, or Recommendation, to any Person there. The Chevalier Roche (a Passenger with us) was so obliging as to procure me Credit for about two hundred pounds Sterling, with a relation of his, to whom I was obliged to give a Bill on Doct. Franklin, at a more than usual short Sight. I afterwards became acquainted with the House of Le Couteulx and Company,2 who offered me what money I might want, and furnished me accordingly with great cheerfulness. I was very disagreeably circumstanced.

Finding Reports ran hard against American Credit, and that Bills on Doctor Franklin were held very cheap, by Reason of his having, as was there said, postponed, delayed, and in some Instances refused Payment of them, on very frivolous Pretences: I did on the 26th: January 1780 inform him by Letter of my arrival and of these Reports.3

In answer to this the Doctor on the 7th: April 1780 wrote me a very friendly Letter, asserting these Reports to be false, and enclosing a Certificate of his Banker which proved them to be so.4 Of this I have made the proper use, and as the same Reports prevailed in Martinique and probably in the other Islands, I wish the Remedy to be as extensive as the Mischief, and therefore transmit the following Extract from his Letter on that Subject, and a Copy of the Certificate mentioned in it:

[Here Jay embedded an extract of Franklin’s letter of 7 April 1780, printed above, and a copy of the undated certificate from Ferdinand Grand.]

It appearing to me of Importance that I should as soon as possible be informed of the measures which the Honorable Arthur Lee Esquire might have taken, leading to a Treaty between the United States and Spain: I did on the 26th. January 1780 write him a Letter of which the following is a Copy.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter, printed above.]

Mr. Lee in answer to this wrote me a polite Letter on the 17th. March 1780. The following is a Copy of it.

[Here Jay embedded the text of Lee’s letter, printed above.]

As for Reasons, which will appear in the Course of the following Papers, and which I hope will meet with the approbation of Congress: it became proper for me to remain in Spain I apprized the Court of France of it by a Letter to his Excellency the Count De Vergennes on the 27th. January 1780, of which the following is a Copy.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter, printed above.]

The Count’s Answer to this is in the following Words.

[Here Jay embedded the text of Vergennes’s letter of 13 March, printed above, in French.]

On the 9th. of May 1780 I replied to the Count as follows.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter, printed above.]

I requested the Favor of Mr. Gerard to inform me, to which of the Ministers of Spain it would be proper to address any Letters which I might think proper to write to that Court. He told me, Mr. Galvez, and enumerated his Reasons for thinking so. On the 27th. January 1780 I wrote a Letter to that Minister. The following is a Copy of it.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter to Gálvez of 27 January, printed above.]

Mr. Carmichael was the Bearer of this Letter, and as his going to Madrid to expedite an Answer to it, would give him an opportunity of acquiring as well as giving Information, on several Subjects, I gave him the following Instructions Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his instructions to Carmichael of 27 January, printed above.]

I have desired Mr. Carmichael, for greater Certainty, to give me notes in Writing of all the Information he gained in pursuance of these Instructions, but he has postponed it, for the Sake of enlarging them by some important additions.5

My Letter to Mr. Galvez was answered the 24th. of February 1780 by the Count D’Florida Blanca in the words following Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of Floridablanca’s letter of 24 February, printed above, in Spanish.]

To this Letter I replied as follows Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter to Floridablanca of 6 March, printed above.]

On the 4th. April 1780 I arrived at Madrid, and Mr. Carmichael delivered to me the following Questions from the Count D’Florida Blanca, to which he had declined giving Answers Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text and translation of Floridablanca’s questions of 9 March, printed above.]

My answer to these Questions are contained in a Letter I wrote to the Count de Florida Blanca on the 25th. April 1780, the removal of the Court to Aranjues, and his attending the King at that time at an annual chace, rendering it useless, and perhaps improper to endeavor to call his attention to these matters sooner. The following is a Copy of it

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter to Floridablanca of 25 April, printed above.]

This Letter gives occasion to many Observations which I am persuaded will not escape Congress, and therefore I forbear repeating them. Your Excellency will be pleased to observe that on some of the Subjects of it, I ought to be without delay apprized of the Intentions of Congress, and furnished with such Information and Instructions as may be necessary to enable me to fulfill them.

On the 27th. April last I received at Madrid a Letter from the Honorable the Committee of foreign affairs, enclosing Copies of the Resolutions of Congress of the 23d. and 29th. November 1779 for drawing on Mr. Laurens and myself for £100,000 Sterling each.6 I went the next Day to Aranjues, and the Day after, wrote to the Count De Florida Blanca in the words following Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter to Floridablanca of 29 April, printed above.]

On the Subject of this and my former Letter, I had a Conference with the Count on the 11th. of May 1780 of which the following are notes, taken immediately after it ended.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his notes on the conference of 11 May, printed above.]

What passed in the Course of this Conference needs no Comment, though it calls for Information and Instructions. If Congress remains firm, as I have no Reason to doubt, respecting the Mississippi I think Spain will finally be content with equitable Regulations, and I wish to know whether Congress would consider any Regulations necessary to prevent Contraband, as inconsistent with their Ideas of free navigation. I wish that as little as possible may be left to my Discretion, and that, as I am determined to adhere strictly to their Sentiments and Directions, I may be favored with them fully and in Season.7

The Count De Florida Blanca had upon all occasions treated me with so much Fairness, Candor, and Frankness,8 that, between the Confidence due to him, and the Footing I was and ought to be on, with the French Ambassador embarrassed me exceedingly, especially as there is little Reason to doubt of their being on Confidential Terms with each other. I was reduced to the necessity therefore either of acting with exquisite Duplicity, a Conduct which I detest as immoral and disapprove as impolitic, or of mentioning my Difficulties to the Count and obtaining his Answer. I preferred the latter, and wrote him the following Letter.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter to Floridablanca of 12 May, printed above.]

To this I received the following Answer Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of Floridablanca’s letter of 14 May, printed above.]

I have not yet received from his Excellency the Notes mentioned in the Conference, and therefore can not have the Satisfaction of sending Copies of them to Congress by this Opportunity.9

On the 9th. April 1780 Sir John Dalrymple arrived here from Portugal with his Lady. On the evening of the 10th. I heard of it, and the next Morning sent the following Card to the french Ambassador at Aranjues Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of his letter to Montmorin of 11 April, printed above.]

To this I immediately received the following Answer on that Subject Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of Montmorin’s reply, in French, of 13 April, printed above.]

Learning that Sir John had obtained Leave to go to France in his way to England, I apprized Mr. Adams of it in a Letter of the 26th. April 1780 of which the following is an Extract.

[Here Jay embedded an extract from his letter, printed above.]10

On waiting on the Count D’Florida Blanca a few Days afterwards at Aranjues, he told me that Sir John had applied to him to obtain from him Permission to go through Spain to France, and to the French Minister for a Passport through that Kingdom to England. The indisposition of his Lady was the Reason assigned for not going from Portugal by Water. That in Conversation Sir John took Occasion to say several things respecting the War, and the manner of drawing it to a Conclusion. That the Count desired him to reduce what he would wish to say on that Subject to writing, and that Sir John thereupon sent him a Paper entitled “An historical anecdote,[”] of which the following is a Copy Vizt.

[Here Jay embedded the text of “A Project of Lord Rochford to Prevent the War.”]11

The Count spoke of Sir John and his Anecdote very properly, and concluded with the assurances of the Kings Firmness.

The manner in which Sir John speaks of Doctor Franklin, however just, I impute to a Design of injuring the Confidence reposed in him by his Constituents.12

The House of Gardoqui at Bilboa are rich, in favor with the ministry, and Friends to America. The navy Board have sent to them for Goods for the use of the navy, and have remitted to them only an inconsiderable Part of the Sum to which they will amount, desiring the Residue on Credit, and promising speedy Payment. One of the House now here, spoke to me on the Subject— I advised him to compleat the Orders. It is of the utmost Consequence that the navy Board be punctual in their Remittances— American Credit is not high, and ought to be higher. I am the more anxious on this Subject as that House is exceedingly well disposed, and a Disappointment would not only be injurious to them, but much more so to us. Perhaps it would be a good Rule if the United States were to contract Debts only with Governments, and never with Individuals abroad.13

I received a Letter last Week from a Captain Hawkins14 at Cadis, informing me that the Americans who had escaped from Captivity and were collected there, were fitting out a Vessel for America, which they were arming, and wished to be enabled to act offensively and defensively in their way Home, by having a proper Commission from me for that Purpose. As I had neither Blank Commissions, nor Authority to grant them, I referred him to Doctor Franklin.

Congress will be pleased to consider how far it may be proper to remove these Obstacles, by sending me both. This leads me again to remind Your Excellency of several Letters I wrote you from Cadis respecting american Seamen coming to Spain from Captivity at Gibraltar and other Places.15 As Copies of these Letters have been sent by different Vessels, I presume some of them have reached you. It certainly is necessary that Provision be made for these People, and in a regular, established manner. I am very desirous of Instructions on this Subject.

The Credit given me by Congress on Doctor Franklin is expended and I am without other means of obtaining Supplies than private Credit, which I am at a Loss to satisfy. To apply to, and be maintained by the Court, is in my opinion too humiliating to be for the public Good; and as yet I have neither received or heard of Remittances from America. It would give me Pleasure to know in what manner Congress mean I should be supplied, and whether any measures have been taken for that Purpose.

I am much embarrassed for the means of conveying and receiving Intelligence. Being at a great Distance from the Sea, all my Letters to, and from thence here, must either be conveyed by private Couriers or the public Post—all my Letters by the Latter whether in France or Spain are opened. By that conveyance therefore it would not always be proper to write either to Congress, to Doctor Franklin, Mr. Adams or others, with that Freedom which would often be so useful and sometimes necessary. The Salary allowed me so far from admitting the Expense of private Couriers is inadequate for the common Purposes for which it was given. This is a delicate Subject, and I wish it was not my Duty to say anything respecting it. This Place is the dearest in Europe— The Court is never stationary, passing part of the Year in no less than five different Places Vizt. Madrid, Pardo, Aranjues, St. Ildefonso, and the Escurial, Hence considerable Expenses arise. I forbear enumerating particulars, my Design being only to mention this matter to Congress, not to press it upon them. I shall always live agreeable to Circumstances, and if from their being too narrow, Inconveniences result to the public, they ought to be informed of it. I hope what I have said will be viewed in this light only— So far as I am personally interested, I am content.16

Mr. Harrison a Gentleman of Maryland now here will be the Bearer of this Letter to Cadis.17 I therefore embrace this good and unusual opportunity of being so minute and explicit in it.

The Family of Galvez is numerous and of Weight. The one on the Mississippi has written favorably of the Americans to his Brothers here, three of whom are in Office. It would be well to cultivate this Disposition whenever opportunities of doing it offer.

The Resolution providing for Spanish Prisoners at New York was well judged.18

Doctor Franklin is more advantageously circumstanced than I am to gain and transmit to Congress Intelligence of the Disposition of Holland and the northern Powers.

From the Conduct of their Ministers here I have no Reason to predict much to our advantage. They are cold, and I have ^received^ nothing more than common Civility from any ^of^ them, except the Ministers of Holland and Sweden, and indeed not much from them. Perhaps they have been rendered unusually cautious by an Extract of a Letter from Madrid in the Leydon Paper, mentioning the precious Reception Mr. Carmichael met with here, and the attentions he received from the foreign Ministers. You have probably seen it in the Courier de Europe.

From what I hear of the Character of the Empress of Russia, I cannot but think that a prudent Agent there would be very useful. They say she is sensible proud and ambitious. Hence I infer that such a Mark of Attention would be grateful, and consequently useful.

I should have given your Excellency seasonable Intelligence of the Spanish Fleet and Armament which lately sailed from Cadis, as I believe to the Havanna, and whose Objects I suspect to be the Floridas or Jamaica, or probably both; but I omitted writing on that Subject previous to the Departure of the Fleet, from a Persuasion that any Letters by the Post containing such advices would not be permitted to proceed; and therefore I thought it unnecessary, nor will I now swell the Page of this Letter, already very Voluminous, by entering into particulars relative to it, especially as that Armament will probably have begun its Operations before this Letter will come to your Excellency’s Hands.19

The Reports of Dissensions in Congress which prevailed here prior to my arrival, and the Causes to which they were ascribed had filled this Court with apprehensions; and it gives me Pleasure to assure you that the present appearance of Union in Congress, is attended here with very happy Effects.20

The People in this Country are in almost total Darkness about us. Scarce any American Publications have reached, nor are they informed of the most recent and important Events in that Country. The affairs of Stoney point Paulus Hook &c. were never heard of here except perhaps by the great Officers of the State,21 and they could scarcely believe that the roman Catholic Religion was even tolerated there.

There are violent Prejudices among them against us—many of them have even serious doubts of our being civilized, and mention a strange Story of a Ship driven into Virginia by Distress about thirty Years ago that was plundered by the Inhabitants, and some of the Crew killed, in a manner and under Circumstances which, if true, certainly indicate Barbarity. The King and Ministry are warm, yet I have Reason to believe that the Bulk of the Nation is cold towards us, They appear to me to like the English, hate the French, and to have Prejudices against us.

I mention these Things to shew in a stronger Light the necessity of Punctuality in sending me from Time to Time all American Intelligence of Importance; and observing such conduct towards Spaniards in general, as may tend to impress them with more favorable Sentiments of us. There was a little uneasiness among the mercantile People at Cadis respecting the Capture of some Spanish Vessels by American Privateers. I hope the former have had ample Justice done them: It certainly is of great Importance that they should have Reason to be satisfied.

Your Excellency may observe that I have written very particularly. Both this Court and that of France have very particular Information respecting the proceedings of Congress. Want of Prudence rather than Virtue I believe to be the Cause. I nevertheless think it my Duty to give Congress from Time to Time full Information of their affairs here, and shall not be restrained by the apprehension of any Consequences that may result from want of Secrecy there. I make it a Rule to write on these Subjects only to Congress, and to them very particularly. I have the Honor to be, &c.

(Signed) John Jay22

P.S. Congress may think it extraordinary that Mr. Carmichael’s Hand writing does not appear in this Letter. He is with my approbation, now at Aranjues, and I must do him the Justice to say that he is always ready and willing to do his duty as Secretary.—23

LbkCs, DNA: PCC, item 110, 1: 56–185 (EJ: 4088); NNC: JJ Lbks. 1 and 5; CSmH.

1JJ’s letters of 24, 25, and 26 Dec. 1779, JJSP, 1 description begins Elizabeth M. Nuxoll et al., eds., The Selected Papers of John Jay: Volume 1, 1760–1779 (Charlottesville, Va., 2010) description ends : 733–44, 744–45, 745–47; those of 3 Mar. 1780 are printed above. LbkCs of all these letters are in DNA: PCC, item 110, 3: 17–38; 1: 1–25, 38–39 (EJ: 4251, 4252, 4253, 4254, 4255, 4256, 4082, 4076, 4078, 4083); and in NNC: JJ Lbk. 5. LbkCs of those of 24 Dec. 1779 and 27 Jan., 20 and 29 Feb., and 3 Mar. 1780 also appear in NNC: JJ Lbk. 1; CSmH. On Congress’s receipt of these letters, see LDC description begins Paul H. Smith et al., eds., Letters of Delegates to the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (26 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1976–98) description ends , 15: 159, 439–40.

2The firm of Jacques, Louis, and Laurent Le Couteulx and Company, the Cádiz branch of the Paris firm of Le Couteulx and Company, which had a reputation for never having been late in paying bills of exchange. PRM description begins E. James Ferguson et al., eds., The Papers of Robert Morris, 1781–1784 (9 vols.; Pittsburgh, Pa., 1973–99) description ends , 6: 425–26n.

3See JJ to BF, 26 Jan., above.

4See BF to JJ, 7 Apr., above.

5See JJ to Carmichael, 22 Apr., Dft, NNC (EJ: 7645), and Carmichael to JJ, 22 Apr., AL, NNC (EJ: 11678). In his letter to the Committee for Foreign Affairs of 28 Nov., Carmichael informed Congress that he had given JJ the information he had requested viva voce in April, and in written form in May. He remarked that he mentioned this matter because he was aware that JJ had sent Congress copies of his instructions to him, but only abstracts of Carmichael’s answers. He then announced his intention of sending Congress the whole of his reply by the first available opportunity to demonstrate his determination to fulfill the duties entrusted to him. RDC description begins Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1889) description ends , 4: 167–68, 732.

7Commenting on this passage in a letter to Henry Laurens, Lovell remarked that the king was determined to have the Mississippi “to himself.” He added, “Jay is stiffbut thinks that a media Via such as a contraband Treaty may be stipulated specially in regard to that Navigation to prepare the Way for the great Negociation of Amity. Mirailles had informed the Count that our Congress had relinquished the River and afterwards made an essential Point of it.” LDC description begins Paul H. Smith et al., eds., Letters of Delegates to the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (26 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1976–98) description ends , 15: 586.

8In his assessment of the Spanish minister, Carmichael noted that Floridablanca “appeared to act with much candor” and that he hoped they might rely on Floridablanca’s assurances of the king’s good intentions. He also noted that Floridablanca’s reputation for probity was high in Spain and among the diplomatic community there. See RDC description begins Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1889) description ends , 3: 737–38.

9In the course of the conference on 11 May, Floridablanca had promised to send within a few days notes detailing his ideas about the ships and naval supplies that Spain would accept in repayment of past and future financial aid. JJ later asserted that the minister had also promised him notes on the terms on which Spain might be willing to conclude a treaty with the United States. See Notes on John Jay’s Conference with Floridablanca, 11 May, above, note 8; and Notes on John Jay’s Conference with Montmorin, 27 Aug. 1780, below. For Floridablanca’s explanation as to why the notes had not been sent as promised, see William Carmichael’s Notes on John Jay’s Conference with Floridablanca, 2 June, below.

10See JJ to JA, 26 Apr., above, note 4.

11Here JJ embedded a copy of the lengthy summary by Sir John Dalrymple of an earlier peace proposal (1775) by William Henry van Nassau van Zuylestein, Lord Rochford (1717–81), that Dalrymple had circulated at the Spanish court in hopes that it could still be brought into play. Rochford had served as ambassador to Spain (1763–66) and to France (1766–68) and as secretary of state for Britain’s Northern Department (1768–70) and Southern Department (1770–75). Dalrymple was a protégé of Lord North and a member of literary societies that included David Hume and Adam Smith. He was also known for his proposals to relieve the burdens imposed on Roman Catholics in Great Britain. DNB, description begins Dictionary of National Biography description ends s.vv. “Dalrymple, Sir John, of Cousland (1726–1810),” and “William Henry van Nassau van Zuylestein, fourth earl of Rochford (1717–1781).”

Rochford’s plan was designed to prevent American independence through a confederation of England, France, Spain, and Portugal. These powers, he hoped, would mutually guarantee one another’s possessions in the Americas, settle any issues involving the Americas by negotiation, and confine their conflicts to Europe. As an incentive for the other powers to join, he proposed that England should open its American colonies to commerce from them and described this as the only means of precluding extensive contraband trade, coastal depredations in South America, and disruption of trade in the Pacific by Americans no longer under British rule. Enlightened statesmen— Franklin from America, Jacques Necker from France, Pedro Rodríguez de Campomanes, a Spanish reformer, and the Duke of Braganza from Portugal—could, he suggested, devise a commercial formula satisfactory to all parties. See RDC description begins Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1889) description ends , 3: 727–31; and Peacemakers description begins Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence (New York, 1965) description ends , 56. JJ was troubled by the fact that Spain would receive an emissary from a power with which it was at war. Montmorin evidently forwarded a copy of Dalrymple’s summary of Rochford’s plan to Vergennes, who declared it unworthy of attention. See Vergennes to Montmorin, 12 June 1780, FrPMAE, CP-E, 599: 282v.

12Dalrymple had described BF as “perhaps the first genius of the age, who is well acquainted with the commercial connections between America and England.” See RDC description begins Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1889) description ends , 3: 728.

13In September 1777, Aranda had instructed the American commissioners in Paris to contract directly with Gardoqui. See Chavez, Spain and Independence description begins Thomas Chavez, Spain and the Independence of the United States: An Intrinsic Gift (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 2002) description ends , 68, 85. These accounts were not promptly paid. On 13 Oct. 1785, JJ, then secretary for foreign affairs, forwarded a letter from Diego de Gardoqui asking for payment. Congress did not take action until 8 Aug. 1786, when it ordered the Board of Treasury to pay the balance due. See JCC description begins Worthington C. Ford et al., eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1904–37) description ends , 29: 849; 31: 503.

14Letter not found.

15In his first letter of 3 Mar. 1780 to the President of Congress, above, JJ had informed Congress about the need to have proper persons appointed to care for distressed seamen. In a letter of 4 July, LbkC, DNA: PCC, item 110, 1: 184–89 (EJ: 4113), the firm of Jacques, Louis, and Laurent Le Couteulx and Company of Cádiz expressed its continued willingness to provide for the seamen’s needs, but described it as a “tiresome and disagreeable job” because of the numbers of men who applied and the need to investigate their eligibility. The firm also noted that some seamen complained that the aid they received was inadequate and threatened to enlist in the English navy “rather than to famish.” The firm enclosed accounts of its expenditures to date so that JJ could provide reimbursement and estimate probable annual expenses in this category. JJ’s reply to this letter has not been found. On 3 Oct. the firm sent another account of its expenditures and indicated that if it did not receive an order from Congress empowering it to obligate American captains who called at Cádiz to accept a certain number of the seamen, it would discontinue the advances to support them. This, it predicted, would mean that many of the men would enlist with the British. On 15 Oct., JJ expressed appreciation for Le Couteulx and Company’s service to the men but indicated that he could not comply with its terms for continuing that service without instructions from Congress. He promised to address Congress yet again on the matter and criticized the unwillingness of American captains to cooperate. In a letter not found, he then asked Richard Harrison, an American merchant for whom he had recently obtained permission to reside at Cádiz, to assume responsibility for the seamen. For the arrangements, see Jacques, Louis, and Laurent Le Couteulx and Company to JJ, 3 Oct., and JJ’s reply of 15 Oct.; JJ to Samuel Huntington, 29 Oct.; JJ to the President of Congress, 6 Nov. 1780 and 25 Apr. and 3 Oct. 1781; JJ to BF, 9 July 1781; the President of Congress to JJ, 28 May. 1781; Robert Morris to JJ, 9 July 1781; and BF to JJ, 20 Aug. 1781, all below. Congress had, in fact, taken action on behalf of the seamen in Portugal. In June, Congress appointed Arnold Henry Dohrman to see to their needs at Lisbon. See Lovell to JJ, 11 July 1780, below, and notes.

16JJ also included such comments in his letter to RRL of 23 May, above. JJ, as secretary for foreign affairs, would later have to address similar complaints from Jefferson as minister to France about difficulties in meeting expenses. See JJ’s private letter to Jefferson, 25 Nov. 1788, ALS, DLC: Jefferson (EJ: 10184); Dft, NNC (EJ: 6660).

17Richard Harrison of Maryland.

18Congress had directed its commissary of prisoners to provide for Spaniards on board the British prison ship at New York in the same way as for the American prisoners held there. See JCC description begins Worthington C. Ford et al., eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1904–37) description ends , 15: 1273; LDC description begins Paul H. Smith et al., eds., Letters of Delegates to the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (26 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1976–98) description ends , 14: 153, 210, 304.

19On these operations, see Carmichael to JJ, 25 May, ALS, NNC (EJ: 7534); the Secretary of Congress to JJ, 12 Oct. 1780, below; and Dull, French Navy and Am. Independence description begins Jonathan R. Dull, French Navy and American Independence: A Study of Arms and Diplomacy, 1774–1787 (Princeton, N.J., 1975) description ends , 191–94.

20The second of the series of questions Floridablanca addressed to JJ on 9 Mar. asked whether there was any powerful party in favor of England and whether its heads would be vulnerable to seduction by promises from the British government. JJ replied at length on 25 Apr., above.

21Although of no great military significance, Stony Point (New York) and Paulus Hook (New Jersey) were the sites of two dramatic captures of British positions by Continental troops in the summer of 1779.

22Congress received this letter on 14 Aug. For its action on and reaction to this letter, see JCC description begins Worthington C. Ford et al., eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1904–37) description ends , 18: 900–901, 935–47; LDC description begins Paul H. Smith et al., eds., Letters of Delegates to the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (26 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1976–98) description ends , 15: 576–78, 582–83, 585–86; 16: 147–50, 283, 727; 17: 110.

23JJ informed Carmichael on this date that he had not answered his letters because he had been “wholly engrossed” in preparing letters for America, and he commented in a letter to the Committee for Foreign Affairs the following day that he had written Congress “very fully respecting their affairs in this Kingdom” and particularly about the resolutions forwarded to him under the committee’s letter of 11 Dec. 1779, above. He mentioned in a letter to the President of Congress of 30 May that he had sent this letter by way of Cádiz on 27 May and also sent a duplicate. See JJ to Carmichael, 26 May, Dft, NNC (EJ: 7648); JJ to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, 27 May, LbkCs, DNA: PCC, item 110, 1: 178 (EJ: 4106); CSmH (EJ: 3353); NNC: JJ Lbk. 1; JJ to the President of Congress, 30 May, Dft, NNC (EJ: 7735); LbkCs, PCC, item 110, 1: 122 (EJ: 4111); NNC: JJ Lbk. 1; CSmH.

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