My Letter to you of the 26th. of Decr. last,1 contained some Remarks relative to the Perversions and Obliquities which you had noticed, and which I observed were neither recent nor unexpected. In that Letter there was not Room for explanatory Details. Those Remarks were therefore concise and general. To supply that Deficiency is the Design of this Letter.

Those Perversions and Obliquities began on the Reciept of a Letter which I wrote to Congress, and of which the following is a Copy—2

“St. Ildefonso—20th. September 1781—”

“Sir

Your Excellency’s favor of the 5th. July last, with the Papers therewith enclosed, were delivered to me on the 29 ult. by Major Franks, whom the Procrastination of the Minister still obliges me to detain—3 The new Commissions with which Congress have honored me argue a Degree of Confidence which demands my warmest acknowledgments; and which, so far as it may be founded on an opinion of my Zeal and Integrity, they may be assured will not proved misplaced.—

At the Commencement of the present Troubles, I determined to devote myself, during the Continuance of them, to the Service of my Country, in any Station in which she might think it proper to place me. This Resolution for the first Time now embarrasses me. I know it to be my Duty, as a public Servant, to be guided by my own Judgment only in matters referred to my Discretion; and in other Cases faithfully to execute my Instructions, without questioning the Policy of them.— But there is one among those which accompany the4 commissions, which occasions Sensations I never before experienced; and induced me to wish that my name had been omitted.—

So far as personal Pride and Reluctance to Humiliation may render this appointment disagreable,5 I view it as a very unimportant Circumstance; and should Congress on any occasion think it for the public good, to place me in a Station inferior and subordinate to the one I now hold, they will find me ready to descend from the one, and cheerfully undertake the Duties of the other— My ambition will always be more gratified in being useful than conspicuous; for in my opinion the solid Dignity of a man depends less on the Heighth or Extent of the Sphere allotted to him, than on the manner in which he may fulfil the Duties of it—

But Sir!6 as an American I feel an Interest in the Dignity of my Country, which renders it difficult for me to reconcile myself to the Idea of the Sovereign Independent States of America submitting, in the Persons of their Ministers, to be absolutely governed by the Advice and Opinions of the Servants of another Sovereign—especially in a Case of such national Importance.—

That Gratitude and Confidence are due to our allies, is not to be questioned; and that it will probably be in the power of France almost to dictate the Terms of Peace for us, is but too true. That such extraordinary Extent of Confidence may stimulate our allies to the highest Efforts of generous Friendship in our favor, is not to be denied; and that this Instruction recieves some appearance of Policy from this Consideration may be admitted.

I must nevertheless take the Liberty of observing, that however our situation may, in the opinion of Congress, render it necessary to relax their Demands on every side, and even to direct their Commissioners ultimately to concur (if nothing better could be done) in any Peace or Truce, not subversive of our Independence, which France may be determined to accede to, yet that this Instruction,7 besides breathing a Degree of Complacency not quite republican, puts it out of the Power of your Ministers to improve those Chances and opportunities which in the Course of human affairs, happen more or less frequently unto all Men. Nor is it clear that America, thus casting herself into the arms of the King of France, will advance either her Interest or Reputation with that, or other nations.8 What the Sentiments of my Colleagues on this Occasion may be, I do not as yet know, nor can I foresee how far the negociations of the ensuing Winter may call for the Execution9 of this Commission. Thus circumstanced, and at such a Distance from America, it would not be proper to decline this appointment. I will therefore do my best Endeavours10 to fulfil the Expectations of Congress on this Subject— But as, for my own part, I think it improbable that serious negociations ^for Peace^ will soon take place, I must entreat Congress to take an early opportunity of relieving me from a Station, where in the Character of their Minister, I must necessarily recieve and obey (under11 the name of opinions) the Directions of those, on whom I really think no American Minister ought to be dependent; and to whom, in Love for our Country and Zeal for her Service. I am sure that my Colleagues and myself are at least equal—

I have the Honor to be &c.”12

That Letter was written under the Influence of indignant Feelings, and in some Respects with too little of deliberate Consideration. The Impressions it made on those who had originated, and urged the Instruction mentioned in it, may easily be conceived.—

That this Instruction was more complimentary than wise, was afterwards evinced by the circumstances which constrained the American Commissioners at Paris to disobey it. That Disobedience gave additional Excitement to the Displeasure and to the complaints of the French and their Consociates—13 Nor were they pleased with the implied approbation of that Disobedience, which resulted from my appointment to the office of Secy of foreign affairs, before my arrival in 1784—14 From time to time after my Return, I was informed of various Incidents, which shewed that their Malevolence was far from being dormant.—

The presumptious attempts of the republican minister Genet, to facilitate the Designs of France, at the Hazard of our Peace and Neutrality, gave occasion to the Proclamation of President Washington on that Subject, and to the measures which followed it. Disappointed and irritated by those Impediments, Genet and his Partizans indulged themselves in animadversions on the administration and its Advocates, which were neither candid nor decorous.—15

The Treaty with England in 1794, did not accord with the views and wishes of France, nor with the views and wishes of sundry Individuals among us. Altho the strenuous Efforts made to defeat it, did not succeed; yet the Feelings and motives which prompted those Efforts, continued to operate.—16

Certain Politicians, desirous to give a new Direction to public opinion, finally succeeded in forming a Party for the Purpose, and in introducing a Policy varying from that which President Washington and his Friends had preferred. Those Friends were not regarded with a friendly Eye.—

They who censured the precipitate Commencement, and the unskilful Conduct of the late war with England, incurred the Resentment of those by whom those Errors were committed.—

Among those who had been active Fœderalists there were Individuals who at subsequent Periods were induced to think it expedient for them to join the opposing Party.— They who thus pass from one Side to the other, are apt to mistake Cunning for Wisdom, and to act accordingly—

These Details will suffice to explain the concise Remarks in my Letter— Many more might be added, and I could fill much paper with opposite anecdotes… But I forbear to enlarge on Topics which (mutatis mutandis17) the History of Greece and other countries, as well as observation and Experience, have rendered familiar to us both.—

In the Course of my public Life I have endeavoured to be uniform and independent, having from the beginning of it in 1774, never asked for an office or a vote; nor declined expressing my Sentiments respecting such important public Measures as in my opinion tended to promote or retard the welfare of our Country— You will I am persuaded pardon this Egotism, and believe to be Dear Sir your constant & affte. Friend