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Ham[ilton]—They were ready to go as far as they thought safe, in recommendatory & explanatory Amend[ment]s —& secure the Constitu[tio]n—& that Many of the Amend[ment]s we have proposed—they suppose wrong—yet they will bring forward Amend[ment]s & will be pledged for to obtain those which they bring forward—as far as they can—Reads a form of adoption —Reads a list of amend[ment]s which they...
Ham[ilton] Scarce any new reasons to be offered; they are short—& must have their force it may do good—cannot do evil. While men hope , they never became enraged. Both parties hope to succeed, therefore will not heat. Things have changed since we came here—therefore decent we should consult our constituents. Good may come—& no evil can come. Takes notice of an objectn by gent We are to take no...
Ham[ilton]—gave reasons why we would be out of the Union— Amend[ment]s have been proposed—with a desire to conciliate and assuage—therefore not adopted on expedience—but the amend[ment]s proposed for expedience—in Massachusetts—now a fed[era]l representation this not fav[orabl]e to amend[ment]s Connecticut—an election—Antis—left out— N. Ham. adopted—after an ad[journmen]t Pennsylvania—2/3ds...
Ham[ilton]—is willing those who are now scrupulous may be exempted— but does not wish to encourage this idea— Gilbert Livingston MS Notes, MS Division, New York Public Library. See “New York Ratifying Convention. First Speech of July 19,” note 1 . H’s remarks concerned the fifteenth proposal of the “Bill of Rights,” which reads as follows: “That any person religiously scrupulous of bearing...
Mr. Lansing stated the differences between him & Mr. Hamilton on Saturday— Mr. Hamilton stated the sentimts. he had held forth— And denied that he ever was for Subverting the State Govts. or reducing them to the State of Corporations— Mr. Lansing—The Question is what were the Sentimts. the Honoble. Gent maintained. The Idea he held up was it necessary to reduce the State Govts. to the...
Mr. Hamilton   I do contend that this Constitution is a federal Republic. John McKesson MS Notes, New-York Historical Society, New York City. In the McKesson account of Melancton Smith’s second speech of June 21 this statement by H is included. It is preceded by the following statement by Smith: “When the People do chuse their Rulers—must not these rulers in a Republic be a complete...
Under the present Confederation 26 Men may do every thing that the proposed Governmt. may do—and 18 of these may form a Majority— Under the new Governmt. the proportionate Streng[t]h in the Legislature is gain[e]d because the Vote per Capite— —Members will attend as their State Constitutents will require it—As to the Albany Member The Representation ought to be small because you will more...
The Principles laid down on both Sides may be true to a certain Extent— Each appears plausible and have a certain degree of force We must then determine where one principle must give way to another— We Should combine the Principles which will [give] Stability on one Side—and Safety to the Interests of the People on the other Side The Argumts. applied here to the Senate should be applied to the...
Mr. Hamilton—There would be a rivalship of Power—That the danger was that the State Govts. would Subvert the National Government It was not the prevailing opinion that the State Govts would be subverted. —He says that I tho’t the Subversion of the State Govt necessary— I wished to have an Extensive State Govt. but advanced as a reason Reason that the State Governmts. should carry Govts. Home...
Mr. Hamilton—The Genl. Intent of the Clause is Suppose what is expressed in the Resolution proposed— Mr. Hamilton   If that is the opinion of the Committee—there will be no debate on the Question— John McKesson MS Notes, New-York Historical Society, New York City. There is no record of these statements by H in any of the other accounts of the debates of June 25. H’s statements followed these...
On Saturday morning, Mr. Jay opened the business by representing the unfairness of the proceedings in the informal Committee. He complained that when met for mutual discussion, they had been insulted by a complete set of propositions presented in a dictatorial manner for their passive acquiescence. He was soon followed by Mr. Hamilton, who in a most argumentative and impassioned address,...
On Monday Mr. Yates was again called upon by Mr. Lansing for his evidence; to which Mr. Hamilton freely submitted. Mr. Yates made an apology for the possible mistakes of his minutes, and said that in the General Convention, Mr. Hamilton had urged strongly for giving the most compleat sovereignty to Congress, and that in order to prevent the encroachments which he feared the State governments...
To the People of the State of New-York. LET us now return to the partition of the judiciary authority between different courts, and their relations to each other. “The judicial power of the United States is (by the plan of the convention) to be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish.” Article 3. Sec. 1. That there...
To the People of the State of New-York. THE remaining charge against the House of Representatives which I am to examine, is grounded on a supposition that the number of members will not be augmented from time to time, as the progress of population may demand. It has been admitted that this objection, if well supported, would have great weight. The following observations will shew that like...
To the People of the State of New-York. THE natural order of the subject leads us to consider in this place, that provision of the Constitution which authorises the national Legislature to regulate in the last resort the election of its own members. It is in these words—“The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the...
To the People of the State of New-York. TO the powers proposed to be conferred upon the Federal Government, in respect to the creation and direction of the national forces, I have met with but one specific objection, which, if I understand it rightly is this— that proper provision has not been made against the existence of standing armies in time of peace; an objection which I shall now...
To the People of the State of New-York. ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion, two points, “the analogy of the proposed government to your own state constitution,” and “the additional security, which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty and to property.” But these...
To the People of the State of New-York. IN addition to the defects already enumerated in the existing Fœderal system, there are others of not less importance, which concur in rendering it altogether unfit for the administration of the affairs of the Union. The want of a power to regulate commerce is by all parties allowed to be of the number. The utility of such a power has been anticipated...
To the People of the State of New-York. IT was a thing hardly to be expected, that in a popular revolution the minds of men should stop at that happy mean, which marks the salutary boundary between POWER and PRIVILEGE, and combines the energy of government with the security of private rights. A failure in this delicate and important point is the great source of the inconveniences we...
To the People of the State of New-York. ALTHOUGH I am of opinion that there would be no real danger of the consequences, which seem to be apprehended to the State Governments, from a power in the Union to controul them in the levies of money; because I am persuaded that the sense of the people, the extreme hazard of provoking the resentments of the State Governments, and a conviction of the...
To the People of the State of New-York. A Firm Union will be of the utmost moment to the peace and liberty of the States as a barrier against domestic faction and insurrection. It is impossible to read the history of the petty Republics of Greece and Italy, without feeling sensations of horror and disgust at the distractions with which they were continually agitated, and at the rapid...
To the People of the State of New-York. THE number of which the House of Representatives is to consist, forms another, and a very interesting point of view under which this branch of the federal legislature may be contemplated. Scarce any article indeed in the whole constitution seems to be rendered more worthy of attention, by the weight of character and the apparent force of argument, with...
To the People of the State of New-York. THE erection of a new government, whatever care or wisdom may distinguish the work, cannot fail to originate questions of intricacy and nicety; and these may in a particular manner be expected to flow from the establishment of a constitution founded upon the total or partial incorporation of a number of distinct sovereignties. ’Tis time only that can...
To the People of the State of New-York. HAVING examined the constitution of the house of representatives, and answered such of the objections against it as seemed to merit notice, I enter next on the examination of the senate. The heads into which this member of the government may be considered, are—I. the qualifications of senators—II. the appointment of them by the state legislatures—III....
To the People of the State of New-York. HAVING in the three last numbers taken a summary review of the principal circumstances and events, which have depicted the genius and fate of other confederate governments; I shall now proceed in the enumeration of the most important of those defects, which have hitherto disappointed our hopes from the system established among ourselves. To form a safe...
To the People of the State of New-York. IT may perhaps be urged, that the objects enumerated in the preceding number ought to be provided for by the State Governments, under the direction of the Union. But this would be in reality an inversion of the primary principle of our political association; as it would in practice transfer the care of the common defence from the fœderal head to the...
To the People of the State of New-York. THE third ingredient towards constituting the vigor of the executive authority is an adequate provision for its support. It is evident that without proper attention to this article, the separation of the executive from the legislative department would be merely nominal and nugatory. The Legislature, with a discretionary power over the salary and...
To the People of the State of New-York. THE President of the United States is to be “Commander in Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States.” The propriety of this provision is so evident in itself; and it is at the same time so consonant to the precedents of the State constitutions in...
Mr. Hamilton—Rises with reluctance. 1. because he wishes to conciliate. 2. That he is plausiable— Beleives it will not answer the purpose—though he thinks the Genn. means it to be so. The impost, acceded to—instanced—shd admonish us. 2 questions arise— 1. Our own powers 2d. The powers of Congress to receive and ye proby. No power except to accept or reject. 1st. Acts. The Resolution of the...
The Gent. of Ulster seems to suspect ⟨ags.⟩ were intrd. to shew inconsisty. The papers read, to prove the distress ys. State suffered. The inefficacy of Requisn.—the sentt. of ye Legislar—Dictator ye ebullition of ardent What is energetic fedl. govt—one operatg. on States or individs. Impost once passed—then repeald, afterwds. defeated—his opn. always for it—takes it for granted—but opposed in...