James Madison Papers
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To James Madison from Simeon Hubbard, 12 July 1826

From Simeon Hubbard

Norwich Conn July 12th: 1826, or rather
Anno Columbiana 334 & of Independence 50.

Mr Madison,

A Citizen, who, in the extraordinary circumstances in which his Country is placed at the commencement of its first Jubilatic year, by being called to mourn the death of the illustrious antients, who on the first day thereof, winged their way to the eternal mansions of repose, sees additional reasons for making the solemn season subserve the best interests of that country, by the reverting to those too long laid by principles of virtue, that enabled our ancestors to win, what we seem hastening too loose: need not fear, Nay, nor hesitate to address him, on whom the mantel of Elijah is by common consent supposed to rest. Permit me with condolence to offer the annexed Dirge1 to you, the new Elisha;2 with wishes rendered more ardent by the wants of my Country, that you, the sacred mantel may long sustain.

This, peculiarly the season to call up the state of the nation, imperatively demands of us all, a solemn pause—To enable us to look forward with good effect, it is indispensible that we look back to see what has been done amiss—& to purge the camp of Achans,3 if any there be therein. Have we one? Yes an unblushing one, who in making a market house of it, has annihilated the confidence of the people in their house of Representatives, and destroyd its sacred character; while another with the mene tekel,4 before him continually, is still made to quake in his closet, as he began to, when first the hand writing appeared on the wall, while delivering his inaugural.5 I pity my neighbour, now, so far less honourable, than when formerly he stood so high as an able secretary. To make a competent President in time of high opposition brought on by his own abberration, there is required vastly more of ability, than the mere secretary facilities give.

This man (I know it) had ample warning of his impending fate. There was no need of the gift of prophecy, to have forseen, at least, one of the results of the intrigues in Washn. in, 24, 5. Statesmen (if statesmen they were) was never more under the influences of Lethean draughts, than those in that focus of intrigue at that time. This, of nearly the whole. Does a real statesman ever loose sight of that great law of his nature, by which man is so readily led by his senses? That is, man, in mass? Deeds, deeds, cried the multitude, with whom the cannons of Orleans, seemed still to reverberate, while they saw the sun of Jackson high in the firmament. Diplomacy, diplomacy, called out on one side, was heedlessly passed bye, by those, who, if they understood at all, took it to be synonymous with dissimulation, management—fraud. Legitimacy, was also dwelt upon by the same, who, cleaved to “safe precedents.6 While on the other hand, the legitimacy of caucusing was held out. This was more pardonable, yet both, and all were abortive, as such errors should ever be—that is the errour of heedlessly passing by so manife[s]t a law of nature, in those who nominate, and the radical one, of resting in diplomacy in the least, for safety. Notwithstanding the arts used to lessen this vote of him who lacked newspaper support, yet deeds carried it, as they always will, and as they always should, as a sure means of securing more deeds, when wanted; whereas if deeds stand for nought & intrigue and management for every thing, what shall we come to? This dissevering the citizen from the soldier is in the highest degree dangerous to the state. Who will after this ever hesitate to pass the rubicon? The want of every thing statesman like in that Herd I will call them by the right name, is shocking to the pride of every American with a Roman heart.

It was of no consequence whether Jackson had the little requisites, & facilities or not, as long as he had the great—the overwhelming one of popularity.

Yet Clay, the gambler, who riskd every thing dear to men or nations, at a single throw, bid defiance to a nation! Was there ever so spoild an Absalom?

Why did he roam? Why did he emigrate to where every thing conduced to spoil him? Had he here remained, he might have ranked with sage old Virginias proudest sons. How much, is man the creature of circumstances? The improvment. Go to no theatre of gambling or speculation—to no state under the influences of a large commer[c]ial city, for your Presidents. That officer, must be taken from scenes where the highest virtues grow—say the field of privations and dangers, if from thence one of commanding talents there be. No one must ever presume to compete in this case—if none such—then from scenes of quiet. This is the philosophy of President making in my opinion. That officer must be the peoples man in fact, or our union cannot be preserved—this to me is evident.

But he will never be the peoples man again, if the constitution is not amended so as to take, this most willing burden, from the house—yet, this will not be done, unless the people are aroused to a fearful height, in the eyes of its cunning oppon⟨ent?⟩?).

Clinton would start again. He is, from whence no honest man can yet come for a great while. So I think, & so I speak. He ditches well,7 thats his forte, let him go on with success, so long as he meddle not with what belongs exclusively to virtue (at least that should) that is the Presidential chair.

Why I have written so much I know not. Still, I will say a word more, lest I have no other opportunity. From recollections of youth, (I am over fifty some) I will now speak of your first sessions (as I suppose). The stand you took against the corruptions of that body who speculated in an unknown degree upon the vitals of the poor Soldier & other holders of the debt8—has ever remained on my mind, & I heartily rejoiced at your elevation, & would have at any time fought to have defended you in the chair. I was ripe, quite ripe, when a certain body assumed the right of interfering. This body, was noticed in an oration on the 4th. intended to be worthy of the great day of jubilee. But this is of no consequence now, only to be held up as a warning.

But the principal object I had in view, was to say, that if you do not live to see the fatal consequences of unheedingly passing by your salutary warning, at that first named period, yet your sons if you have any will doubtless. Commercial Island habits & maxims & policy are ruinous to continents. The paper system must fall. God preserve you many years now the most venerated is the prayer of

Simeon Hubbard9

It is here believed that Mr. Jefferson has left one daughter who is a widow, but names unknown—perhaps Mrs Epps—tho some say not. Under such circumstances connectd with solemnities of the time shall I crave of thee to direct, and send the enclosed to such an one—or her daughter, or the most proper, whoever it may be? I make the request in confidence—as griefs are above etiquette. I have seen over the second time this letter to you to see if any thing therein, is improper for an american citizen to say to a President, as that officer should be the father of his people. I come with filial confidence. Men will contemn rebuke, if it comes.

S. H.

Preparations are making City wide to notice the extraordinary event.

RC (DLC).

1Simeon Hubbard, A Dirge: On the Death of Our Illustrious 2d and 3d Presidents, Hastily Composed on Hearing That of the Latter (Norwich, Conn., 1826; Shoemaker description begins Richard H. Shoemaker, comp., A Checklist of American Imprints for 1820–1829 (11 vols.; New York, 1964–72). description ends 24906). JM’s copy is in the Madison Collection, Rare Book and Special Collections Division, Library of Congress.

2II Kings 2:1–15 (AV description begins The Bible. Authorized (King James) Version. description ends ).

3Josh. 7:1–26 (AV description begins The Bible. Authorized (King James) Version. description ends ).

4“This is the interpretation of the thing: MENE; God hath numbered thy kingdom, and finished it. TEKEL; Thou art weighed in the balances, and art found wanting,” Dan. 5:26–27 (AV description begins The Bible. Authorized (King James) Version. description ends ).

5John Quincy Adams.

6In explaining to his constituents his vote in the U.S. House of Representatives for John Quincy Adams for president, Henry Clay noted that part of his reasoning lay in “conformity to the safe precedents which had been established in the instances of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe, who had respectively filled the same office (State Department) from which he was to be translated” (Richmond Enquirer, 1 Apr. 1825).

7DeWitt Clinton was a primary proponent of the Erie Canal, which was completed in 1825.

8For JM’s strong opposition to Alexander Hamilton’s 1790 financial plans, which included full funding of the current holders of U.S. debt without regard for the original owners, many of whom were Revolutionary War veterans, see Ketcham, James Madison, 307–8, and PJM description begins William T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison (1st ser.; vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11–17, Charlottesville, Va., 1977–91). description ends , 13:34–38, 47–56, 56–57, 58–59.

9Simeon Hubbard (ca. 1771–1850) was a Norwich, Connecticut, merchant and a strong supporter of Andrew Jackson in the 1828 presidential election (Norwich Packet, 10 Oct. 1797; Democratic Party of Connecticut, An Address to the Citizens of Connecticut; by the Friends of Andrew Jackson, in Norwich and Vicinity [Norwich, Conn., 1828; Shoemaker description begins Richard H. Shoemaker, comp., A Checklist of American Imprints for 1820–1829 (11 vols.; New York, 1964–72). description ends 32920], 3, 26).

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