On our arrival here M. Gerard told me that he was about to write to the governor and admiral at Port Royal, and asked me whether I also chose to write, or would leave to him the necessary communication, offering to mention to them whatever I might desire. As I was well satisfied that he should take the lead in the business I replied that I was obliged to him, but did not think it necessary for him to communicate anything to those gentlemen from me except our arrival and the confidence I had in their readiness to afford us aid.

I thought it would have been improper to apply for a passage in one of their ships till I know in what time our own could be refitted, and on this subject it appeared to me most advisable that application should be made by our agent here, and that I should reserve all interference till it should be rendered necessary by obstacles. Mr. Bingham accordingly wrote without delay to the governor, and had immediate and full assurances of his readiness to afford us every aid in his power. Nothing now remained to be ascertained but the time in which the repairs could be made, and this depended on the state of their naval stores.

Mr. Bingham went with us to Port Royal on a visit to the officers of government (a compliment paid them by all strangers). The governor again assured him that everything should be done for the ship that was possible, and some orders were given for the purpose. This passed, I believe, without M. Gerard’s knowledge. About two hours after our arrival at Port Royal he took me aside, observed that great difficulties and delays would attend the Confederacy’s refitting there; that there were no masts or spars in store, and the expectation of supplies uncertain; that an old mast of a merchantman had been purchased for one of their ships of war, and that a main yard for another had been made of four pieces for want of a proper spar, and after some general hints about expenses, provision, &c., proposed that the frigate should be provided with a new rudder and proceed to America to refit. I objected that, contrary to our expectations, the English had an acknowledged superiority in these seas; that three French frigates were at that instant flying from four ships of the line which were in full chase of them; that a frigate under jury masts would find no safety in flight; that it would be more prudent for Captain Harding to remain here without being refitted till he could get materials and supplies from America or receive orders from Congress than expose his ship to such imminent danger, and therefore that I could not possibly come into the measure he proposed.

M. Gerard replied that she might be convoyed to sea by the French squadron here; but this required no answer. It was not to be supposed that the French squadron, which, in their present state of inferiority, choose to keep their eyes constantly on Port Royal, would expose themselves to very unequal combat for no higher object than that of convoying the Confederacy seventy of eighty leagues off the coast, or that if they did, she would then be out of that degree of danger to which no ship in her condition ought to be exposed. Besides, I could not reconcile it to the wisdom of France long to leave their fleet here destitute of naval stores, or to disgust their allies by a conduct neither just nor politic. We agreed to leave the matter till the next day, when we expected to see the admiral; but in an hour or two afterwards the admired came in, and a very little time elapsed when the governor, and shortly after M. Gerard, told me the “whole arrangement was completed; that the same attention should be paid to the Confederacy as if she had been a French frigate, and that the Aurora, of thirty-odd guns, should carry us to France.” The fact is that the officers of government in general, and the governor in particular, are strongly attached to everything that is American.

Our agent here is in high estimation. I really believe, from everything I hear, that he has done his duty faithfully, and that he well deserves the notice and approbation of Congress. This leads me to take the liberty of remarking that it would probably be much for the public interest if Congress were to pay off all private debts due from them to subjects of France, and have none but national engagements with that kingdom. The debts unavoidably contracted here for the outfit of the Deane, &c, ought certainly to be paid. Our credit and reputation suffer from such delay.1 We sail to-morrow morning at 6 o’clock. I have the honor to be, &c,