The Revd. Mr. Andrews1 of this town, intending to visit Albany, during a Journey he is now contemplating, I have taken the Liberty to trouble you with a line by him, containing a short statement of the political sentiments of Massachusetts, at the present moment, as our public papers will not give a correct view of them. Opinions, formed from the general appearance of our papers, in favour of the great prevalence of antifederal sentiments, would be as unjust as, in fact, they are ill founded. The Votes for Governor are generally returned: and it is now certain that Mr Gerry is not elected; and it is extremely probable, that Mr Strong is.2 As our constitution requires a majority of votes, it is perhaps possible, that there may be a few scattered votes, in addition to the number already known, which may defeat an election by the people. But my principle motive in troubling your Excellency, was to explain the motives, which induced so large a number of the electors to support Mr. Gerry, consistently with the great predomination of federal principles in Massachusetts. Mr Gerry was believed to be a federalist, by one half of the electors who supported him. This opinion resulted from several causes. He was considered as an ardent revolutionary whig. He had publickly professed the strongest attachment to Mr Adams’ administration. The President had appointed him an Envoy to France; and it was reported and ^by some^ believed, that he approved of his conduct in that mission, and still continued strongly attached to him. The mercantile towns were also told, that Mr. G[erry]. was educated a merchant, and consequently would promote the commerce of the country. That Mr S[trong]., living in a remote part of the State, all executive business would be impeded, by his distance from the centre of the Government. In addition to these causes another was also invented—that the legislature had recommended him, and had thus invaded the rights of the electors; and that, to spurn at the invasion recommendation, would effectually prevent any future invasion. Arguments of a very different nature were industriously and privately circulated among the antifederalists. They were informed, that Mr Gerry was an antifederalist—opposed originally to the federal constitution, and never after reconciled to it—that he went to France, merely to preserve peace with our republican allies—that he would have succeeded, had he gone alone—that he was opposed to war—to a standing army—to a funding system—was no stock-holder—was unconnected with commerce, and attached to the agricultural Interest.

An attention to the votes for senators, will clearly evince the fact, that a great part of the votes electors for Mr. G. were federalists. In every senatorial district, the antifederalists ran a rival ticket, with great zeal and confidence. But in every district, but except three, the Federal ticket had a majority, and, in most of them, great majorities. In Norfolk the antifederal ticket prevailed,3 thro’ the influence of our general, the famous Heath.4 In the other two, from a division of sentiments, there was no choice. In Middlesex, where Mr. G. had the strongest support, and in which he resides, the federal senators were chosen, when, the last election, from the prevalence of Jacobinism, the antifederal ticket had the greater number of votes.5

I fear I shall be tho’t impertinent, in descending to these minute observations. But our passions have been exceedingly engaged, in the progress of the election, & we are very apprehensive, that an opinion, prevailing in the neighbouring states, that antifederalism was taking strong ground in Massachusetts, would give activity and resolution to a restless, desperate faction, to be found in every part of the Union. It seems to have set up it’s Gods in Virginia, whose reason & law, wisdom & patriotism, honor and integrity, are immolated upon their Altars.

The next election of President will be an important crisis. If I had not already imposed on your Excellency’s patience, beyond all reasonable limits, I would state the views and intentions of the federalists in the State, upon that subject. I will now only say, that a number of them have felt excessively hurt, at the persevering plan of the new french mission—and have also been chagrined at the political importance, the President’s nomination gave to Mr Gerry, a man, who in their opinion, was undeserving of any public notice. These impressions appear now to be much worn out; and I believe that, at this time, the universal sentiment of the federalists is, to support Mr. Adams, with all the activity, and perseverance, such a measure deserves.

The Jacobins appear to be compleatly organized throughout the United States. The Principals have their agents, dispersed in every direction; and the whole body act with a Union, to be expected only from men, in whom no moral principles exist, to create a difference of conduct resulting from a difference of sentiment. Their exertions are directed, to introduce into every department of the State governments unprincipled tools of a daring faction, to render more certain the election to the Presidency, of the great arch priest of Jacobinism and infidelity.

God grant that they may be caught in their own craft, and that shame and confusion may overwhelm these base plotters against the peace, safety and felicity of the United States.

As Mr. Andrews, who obliges me by taking charge of this letter, is very solicitous to pay his personal respects to your Excellency, I presume he will deliver it himself.

I hope your Excellency’s indulgence for the trouble I have given you & that you will please to attribute it, to my anxiety for the prosperity of our common country—an anxiety which sometimes oppresses me, when I dare to look at what may be the fate of the United States.6 But your Excellency will not do me Justice, unless by the persuasion that I am, with the utmost respect & sincerity, Your Excellency’s most obedient, and humble Servant—