Adams Papers
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From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 9 June 1789

To Benjamin Rush

New York June 9. 1789

Dear Sir

No! You and I will not cease to discuss political questions: but We will agree to disagree, whenever We please, or rather whenever either of Us thinks he has reason for it.— I really know not what you mean by apeing the Corruptions of the British Court.1

I wish Congress had been called to meet at Philadelphia: but as it is now here, I can conceive of no way to get it transported thither, without tearing and rending.— I own to you, that I shall wish to remain here rather than go to any other place than Philadelphia. Congress can not be accommodated in any other than a great City.

There was a dark and dirty Intrigue, which propagated in the Southern States that New England would not vote for G. Washington, and in the Northern States that New York Virginia and South Carolina would not vote for him but that all would vote for me, in order to Spread a Panick least I should be President, and G. W. Vice President: [and this] ma[nuvire] made dupes even of two Con[necticut Electors—] I am well aware that this plott originated in N. York and am not at a Loss to guess the Men or their Motives.2 I know very well how to make these Men repent of their rashness.— it would be easy to sett on foot an Inquiry: but it is not worth while.

That every Part of the Conduct and feelings of the Americans tends to that Species of Republick called a limited Monarchy I agree.— They were born and brought up in it.— Their Habits are fixed in it: but their Heads are most miserably bewildered about it. There is not a more ridiculous Spectacle in the Universe, than the Politicks of our Country exhibits.— bawling about Republicanism which they understand not; and acting a Farce of Monarchy. We will have as you say “but one great Man” yet even he shall not be a great Man.

I also, am as much a Republican as I was in 1775.— I do not “consider hereditary Monarchy or Aristocracy as Rebellion against Nature.” on the contrary I esteem them both Institutions of admirable Wisdom and exemplary Virtue, in a certain Stage of Society in a great Nation. The only Institutions that can possibly preserve the Laws and Liberties of the People. and I am clear that America must resort to them as an Asylum against Discord Seditions and Civil War and that at no very distant Period of time. I shall not live to see it—but you may. I think it therefore impolitick to cherish Prejudices against Institutions which must be kept in View as the Hope of our Posterity.— I am by no means for attempting any Such thing at present.— Our Country is not ripe for it, in many respects and it is not yet necessary but our ship must ultimately land on that shore or be cast away.

I do not “abhor Titles, nor the Pageantry of Government”—if I did I should abhor Government itself.— for there never was, and never will be, because there never can be, any Government without Titles and Pageantry. There is not a Quaker Family in Pensilvania, governed without Titles and Pageantry. not a school, not a Colledge, not a Clubb can be governed without them.

“I love the People,” with You.— too well to cheat them, lie to them or deceive them.— I wish those who have flattered them so much had loved them half as well.— If I had not loved them I never would have Served them— if I did not love them now, I would not Serve them another hour—for I very well know that Vexation and Chagrine, must be my Portion, every moment I shall continue in public Life.

My Country appears to me, I assure you in great danger of fatal Divisions, and especially because I Scarcely know of two Persons, who think, Speak and Act alike in matters of [Governmen]t. I am with real Friendship yours

John Adams

RC (private owner, 1944); endorsed: “J. Adams.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 115. Text lost due to fading of the ink has been supplied from the LbC.

1Here and below, JA quoted from Rush’s letter of 4 June, above.

2On 25 Jan. Alexander Hamilton wrote to James Wilson outlining a plan to encourage presidential electors to cast votes meant for JA to other candidates; the goal was to guarantee that George Washington and JA would win the top two seats in that order. Throughout the first year of his vice presidency, JA pieced together the story of what he called “a corrupt Intrigue and an insidious Maneuvre,” relying on various informants to fill in the details. See also John Trumbull’s letter of 30 March 1790, discussing the process in Connecticut, and JA’s reply of 25 April, both below. The final count was 7 for Washington, 5 for JA, and 2 for Samuel Huntington, who was also an elector (vol. 19:438; Hamilton, Papers description begins The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, ed. Harold C. Syrett, Jacob E. Cooke, and others, New York, 1961–1987; 27 vols. description ends , 5:247–249, 252; Chernow, Alexander Hamilton description begins Ron Chernow, Alexander Hamilton, New York, 2004. description ends , p. 272; First Fed. Elections description begins The Documentary History of the First Federal Elections, 1788–1790, ed. Merrill Jensen, Robert A. Becker, Gordon DenBoer, and others, Madison, Wis., 1976–1989; 4 vols. description ends , 2:47).

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