James Madison Papers

To James Madison from William Jarvis, 9 February 1805

From William Jarvis

Lisbon 9th Feby 1805


It is with pain that I feel myself obliged to lay before Government a Correspondence of such an unpleasant nature as the inclosed between Captain Rodgers & myself, but when my reputation has been attacked & an attempt has been made to lessen my influence as a man & my consequence as an officer justice to my character oblidges me to lay a fair statement of the transaction before Government to let them be the judges of my conduct and these letters with the public affront that was attempted to be upon me I hope will excuse what otherwise might be considered as too great severity of expression in some of my letters. The 28th. December in the evening the Constitution arrived at Paço d’Arcos saturday the 29th my Vice Consul at Bellem informed me of it, as well as the Officer at the signal tower. In reply to the former I requested him to go immediately below to know the object of her coming & the Captains wishes. The next day I sent for a Horse to go down, but it beginning to rai<n> I gave it up. A Monday being the first day of business since Christmas I was busily engaged in the Office. The next day the 1st. January was Official Visiting day. Wednesday I was again indispensibly engaged in my Office & from Captn Rogers letter of the 29th1 I concluded that my going there could not materially benefit the service & determined to postpone it till thursday or friday but which his letter of the first prevented & to which my answer will I hope be conceived as moderate as could be expected, but his second in reply to mine of the first looked so like a premeditated attack that I could not avoid answ<er>ing it with more asperity.2 His on the 4th & 5th3 must speak for themselves & I have no doubt will be a sufficient excuse for mine of the 7th.4 The rest of our Correspondence being of a public nature will require no explanati<on>.5 Being satisfied that it would not add to the reputation or respectability of two Officers under the same Government to have an ope<n> quarrel, in hopes to avoid it, the moment I saw the Captain of Marines & the Purser I privately entered into conversation with them on the subject. In the course of which they acknowledged to me that the Captains irritation arose from the beleif of my having treated him with personal neglect. To clear away all the obstructions to a reconciliation I assured them to the contrary & that I had not the least Knowledge of him except what arose from a couple of letters received from him & answered relative to the Morocco Negotiation which ought to do away every Suspicion of any thing personal being intended: and expressed my desire for a reconciliation if Captn Rodgers would make such an acknowledgement as I could consistently receive for his unprovoked attack. At the same time declared that I wanted no apology that would derogate from his consequence as a Man or an officer, in fact none but such as a Gentleman & an Officer could with propriety make & proposed afterwards to make a suitable apology for any thing I had written hurtful to his feelings. After a very formal Negotiation of two days he consented to let Mr Johnston the Purser deliver the apology I required, which was first done in part, but as that was not satisfactory, it was finally fully compl<ied> with. I then authorised Mr. Johnston to deliver one in return, which he seems to be satisfied with, of course supposed the affair was ended. It however came out that in Consequence of an invitation the British Minister had sent him in the morning to dine with him the Same day by, & as it appeared at the request of a Gentleman wh<o> had come a passenger in the Frigate from Syracuse Capt Rodgers had waited on the Ministe<r> to excuse himself. This I thought would hav<e> been more proper if done by Note, as it is a thing unknown here for the Commande<rs> of Vessels of War to wait on the Officers of the Government much less foreign Officers: but as it was done I observed that I thought the Agent of his own Country, whatever his state was entitled to the same compliment; howeve<r> as I wished to raise no new obstacle to a good understanding, I did not desire it to be a Visit of ceremony, and willing to save his feelings requested that he would select his hour & call at the Office as upon a subject of business. I heard nothing about the affair for two days, when I understood that he had accepted an invitation from M Aquilla Brown Jun, late of Baltimore, to stay at his house.6 An obligation of this Kind is what the Officers of the British Navy never lay themselves under in this Port & I believe in no other; and to render it more remarkable it was well Known that I had not invited M Brown to my house & had avoided all sort of intercourse with him for some time past, altho I had never mentioned the cause. It was owing to my receiving about the early part of August last, a Power of Attorney from Mess J & J Pleasant of Baltimore against him for 28 thousand Dollars, accompanied with a detail of circumstance of so black a dye, that I imputed it to the language of passion & resentment untill I called on him, when his conduct was such as to convince me of the unfairness of his intentions and his observation relative to the charges, of the truth of which I was fully enabled to satisfy myself in a few days by several perso<ns> from Baltimore. The next day after Capt Rodg<ers> went there our misunderstanding became the subje<ct> of conversation, a thing I was particularly desirous of avoiding, as before observed. I did not conceive its being made public would add to our resspe<ct>ability or reputation as men or officers: and it being the only motive I had for wishing an accomodation I made no farther advances towa<rd> it. A few days after I understood that a general invitation had been given for an entertainment & Ball on board the Frigate & tha<t> M Brown was Master of Ceremonies & a M Allcock the former Clerk & at present the under partner of the House of Messrs Bulkeley sub-manager. I suppose<d> it was intended to mortify me, but the most malignant spirit could not have enjoyed a more complete revenge than the ridicule brought on Capt Rodgers afford<ed>. M Brown carried the Captains invitati<on> to the French & Italian families with whom he is acquainted & Mr. Allcock to all the English factory. Most of the former went but not a Gentleman or Lady of the latter, saving two very young men. The English Minister & Consul was invited by Billet. Messrs Surrurier & Dohrman the French & Dutch Consul Generals & Charge des Affaires Verbally by Mr Brown in the Captains name on Change who both immediately refused & the two former did not go. The Neapolitan Charge des Affaires & Consul General was not invited altho: it must have been within the Captains Knowledge that his Government had lately favoured our Government with the loan of several Gun boats &c: the same neglect was shewn to the Emperor of Moroccos Agents when it was desirous to increase their opinion of our force by shewing them one of the largest Frigates in the world & to cultivate their good will by attentions of this nature, nor any other Public character foreign nor Portuguese; altho’ it is customary to pass the compliment to the latter whenever a public entertainment is given on board pu<b>lic Vessels of War & with the rest Mr Rademak<er> the Portuguese Charge des Affaires was omitted. Amongst the number he also honored me with an omission. In hopes to remedy the evil as far as lay in my power regarding the Moroquin Agents I sent the day before th<e> entertainment & requested Captn Rodgers to giv<e> them an invitation but at that time he wa<s not> on board, & when I understood it was not done I sent them as polite an apology as the thing would admit, but unluckily unders<tood> that Ben Taleb was displeased which I suppo<se> was the only person in Lisbon after the Entertainment was over. In the evening when I went to the Assembly for he was so injudicious as to give it on a Public Ball night I found it had been the subjec<t> of much laughter; several of the company havi<ng> come on shore & given a ludicrous descriptio<n> of the Entertainment, observing that they had on<ly> a cold collation of Beef, Hams & Turkies & ha<d> no other Music for dancing than the Ships fife drummer & fidler. the latter of which broke his fiddle the first dance and left them with a fife and drum only and most of the company left the frigate in the early part of the evening. I should think it very unjustifiable to detail stories which look so much like scandal did I not conceive that when an Officer gives a public entertainment in a foreign Country his Offical character is in some sort connected with it, & that it had much better be let alone unless splendid & elegant. The next day I spoke my sentiments very freely to M Johnston & understood the day following that an entertainment would be given, at which all public characters would be invited: but have heard no more of it except to a Breakfast, at which only the British Minister & Consul with three or four private persons attended whose names I have never been able to learn; in this instance the Captain sent me a written invitation which he had previously put it out of my power to notice. For in truth every possible step had been taken to mortify me & injure my feelings even that I had refused to accept a challenge he sent me was circulated on Change. In the attempt he has prostrated his own respectability as an Officer and has been made a machine or tool <of> to give consequenc<e> to a Man whose understanding is as despicable as his character is base and who it would be disreputable to be known to in his own Country suc<h> conduct cannot add to the reputation of our Navy nor is likely to make a favourable impress<ion> as to our National Character. Had I been the only injured person whatever might hav<e> been my feelings, I certainly should have remain<e>d silent: but in the affrontive neglect of Public Officers I conceive he was very reprehensible and as it regarded the Danish Seamen, especially when he directly afterwards delivered alongside to the boat of the British Sloops of War Wolf or Millbrook two Sailors who had deserted, went on board the Frigate & offered to enter;7 about the same time that the impudent answer of Captain Bennet, to my application for three deserted & impressed Men from the Ship Venus was written.8 At this proceeding the Danish Consul is much dissatisfied. My Note relative to the Anchor & Rum and my having the day befo<re> informed Mr Johnston of my determination to submit our Correspondence to the inspection of Government was the cause of a most furious challenge, couched in the most gross language, which Mr Johnston read to me but refused to deliver or a Copy, but it prevented the purchase of the Rum for account of the Ship what rendered these Challenges the more imprudent & extraordinary was that Mr Johnston repeatedly said that there was no Officer on board the Frigate capable of taking the Command, and no Law of this Country is so rigidly executed as that against Duelling, insomuch that a Duel is never Known here & are very severe against even offering an insult on Change. After the last challenge I was really apprehensive that he would offer me Some insult in public as it contained an intimation of the Kind and that I should be reduced to the Alternative of submitting to every indignity or exhibited the disgraceful spectacle of two Officers in a respectable station under the same Government fighting in the street. And for the first time that line of conduct, which the obligation I owe to my Government & my Country imposes on me as a duty, became irksome to me, least it might afford a triump<h> to an ungenerous & little spirit for none other would have taken such an insulting advanta<ge> of a Man in my situation, especially when he had my determination on this point in writing for as I informed Mr Johnston I was much more afraid of my prudence being impeached than my Courage. In fact whilst I was actu<ally> employed in the service of my Country & getting every article that was wanted for the Frigate, even to the seamen (all that could consistently be taken but about 18, which the Captain paid a Man a dollar a piece for engaging, being engaged by persons I employed without charge 4 the borrowing of a tackle full to get the Bowsprit in & trailing lines, getting boats &c to sweep for the Anchor, I was in some shape or other constantly affronted. Had he fulfilled his intentions of mortifying & humbli<ng> me & lessening my consequence, it may not be going too far to say, that the tolerable sha<re> of success which has hitherto attended my exertions to fulfill the intention of Government would in future be much more difficult if not [ … ]: for <altho> <I own myself that> my success has been more problematical; for altho I am sensible that my success has been much more owing to the wisdom of Governmental arrangements than to any merit of my own yet the best arrangements that human wisdom is capable of making, must prove inefficient without the active co-operation of the executive Officer, or his want of Credit should paralize his endeavors. But so far from succeeding he found himself neglected by the very persons, whom he invited on board having received but a solitary invitation to dine from a French Merchant & another from Mr Allcock & for the last fortnight he was here was in no public company or in any party whatever, not even in the weekly parties of two or three persons who went on board the frigate; nor did a single Portuguese Officer go on board altho’ several were very desirous of seeing her when she first arrived. I cannot say any thing as to the necessity of the Supplies, never having been on board, nor did I choose to take upon myself the responsibility of refusing to execute any demand even to the lost Anchor, altho’ this Government refused it which I suppose was owing to their own Navy having lost about a dozen this winter & they actually took five out of the yard from the getting the first to my application for the Second but am sorr<y> that at Paço d’Arcos could not be found & beleive it must have had been taken up by the fisherman or pilot in the night as the Master of the Arsenal went down 2 days with 2 large boats hands to assist the boat supplied by the Frigat<e>. Should it be found after the Frigate proceeds to Sea, the finder is entitled to a third. Not t<o> increase the length of this letter I shall omi<t> several circumstances of an aggravating natur<e> toward me & some which without any great violence of construction would somewhat reflect on his reputation as an Officer; and shall clos<e> by observing that I should view the death of Commodore Barron whom I understand <is> Sick, as a serious misfortune for altho Captn Rodgers may be a good Seaman & a brave man yet it requires much more prudence & discretion than, if I am not very much mistaken, he possesses to manage great or delicate affairs especially with a people whom one false step may involve our Country in a War of several years or in an expense of several hundred thousand Dollars.

It was not till three or four Days before the Frigate sailed that I was told the President had a Nephew on board.9 I requested several times to see him as I was desirous of shewing him all the civility in my power, but had not the pleasure and he I believe was the only Officer.

The Moorish Frigate has got her bottom graved, the bulwarks of the Brig are going on slowly; the Frigate at St Ubes has not since made an attempt to go to Sea & I imagine the last was only a finesse to excuse the demand of three months provisions. It appears to me from their motion that it is their intention to remain here untill the moderate weather of the Spring & then that they will proceed to their own port to compleat their Crews before they attempt any considerable Cruise. I do not understand that any steps whatever have been taken toward a Negotiation with the Prussian Court and no other Vessel has been purchased.

Mr. Rademaker goes in the Ship Hare. He having expressed a wish for letters I gave him one to each of the Collectors of N<e>w York Philadelphia & Baltimore, preferring these to any other least he might fall into bad hands, who would give him wrong impressions.

The Captain of an American Vessel from La Rochelle that wa<s> cast away a few days since a little to the Northward of Figueira informed the Vice Con<sul> in that place that five line of Battle Ships, th<ree> Frigates and two Corvettes sailed from Rochfo<rt> the 11 Ulto. with 6,000 Troops on board, <desti>nation unknown. It is also confidently rep<orted> here that Nineteen hundred British Troop<s> have taken possession of the Island of Madei<ra>. I cannot learn how the report comes.

The Sloop of War Wolf arrived at Paço d’ Arcos the 20th of last month but did not hear of it till the day before I wro<te> M Gambier. She got Prattic the 1st and sailed the 3rd.

I am sorry to inclose a Copy of such an impudent letter as that from Captain Bennet to M Gambier in answer to mine;10 and cannot but beleive that the British Government will oblidge him t<o> make every acknowledgment that the impropriety of it demands. The day before yesterday I saw Mr Gambier & animadverted very freely as to the indecency of the thing. He did not seem to view it in the same point of light that I did: but in the Evening being in a large company together; he came up & spoke to me on the subject; observing that he had spoken to Lord Robert, the British Minister, who thought it censurable and he wished it returned. I replied as he had Officially forwarded it to me that I did not feel myself at liberty to give it up, unless he would make the fullest acknowledgment that it was indecorous & improper & disavow the sentiment it contained. He appeared to be of opinion that he could not consistently do it as he was not the author; but was particularly desirous to clear himself from the imputation of imprudence, at which I had glanced in having forwarded it, observing that he was going out when he received it & only looked over the first part or he should not have ordered it copied and sent. After an half hour conversation he seemed undetermined what t<o> d<o> and I have heard no more of him.

Yesterday the Russian Consul General who is a most wort<hy> man & my particular friend informed me that he had heard that a Russian Vessel had been captured by our Squadron in the Mediterran<ean> on suspicion of her being bound to Tripoli.11 If correct I must leave it to the wisdom of Government to determine whether this wou<l>d not be a good opportunity to pay a handsome compliment to the Russian Court, by her return, if the proofs are not so strong against her that it cannot be done with any propriety. It would be a handsome return for the consideration with which the Emperor has treated the President in the acceptance of a Consul which was refused to his predecessors. It would likewise be conciliating the good will of a Court who is becoming very influential in Europe: and as the Decisions in Court<s> of Admiralty are always governed by the politicks of the day there could be no impropriety in it nor afford any course of offense to other Nations unless her destination was open & palpable.

After the news reached here about a fortnight ago of the Cordon being raised from Malaga & Alicante as well as Cadiz the Health Office has been removed back to Bellem & I expect in a few days the quarantine will be taken off altogether.

Inclosed is also a duplicate of my last letter of the 19th Ulto12 that went by the Brig Venus Captain Carr—Duplicate Copies of my Correspondence with Mr Gambier & Captain Rodgers relative to entering British seamen13 also go inclosed Duplicate Copies of my letter for the Anchor, M de Araujo’s answer; his second Note inclosing the order, which by mistake was made out for a Cable, my Note to the Visconde Anadie pointing out the error, his answer, my letter for a second Anchor & his answer.14

The Ship Romulus Captn Nickerson by whom I wrote under date of the 3rd Ulto,15 I understood after <being? > ready for Sea met some damage, which with [ … ] winds detained him at Bellem nearly <a> fortnight. With the most perfect Respect I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obdt & most Hble Servt,

(Signed) William Jarv<Is>

N.B. I mentioned the British Commanders of Vessels of War in the course of this letter, because I find Most of our Officers hold them up as examples, but if the originals are to be exactly copied Government will have a great many acts of Violence to answer for.

W. J.

RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, CD, Lisbon, vol. 2). RC docketed by Wagner. For surviving enclosures, see nn. 1–3, 10, 13–14. Torn.

1Jarvis enclosed a copy of John Rodgers’s 29 Dec. 1804 letter to him (1 p.; printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary Wars description begins Dudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1939–44). description ends , 5:223), saying he had arrived at Lisbon on 28 Dec., stating that the Constitution should be admitted to pratique immediately as it was in need of repair and had had no contact with “any place, or thing” since it left Syracuse, and asking Jarvis to direct any “idle” seamen to the ship as he needed to augment the crew.

2Jarvis enclosed copies of: (1) Rodgers to Jarvis, 1 Jan. 1805 (2 pp.; printed ibid., 245), complaining that he had not heard from Jarvis since his own letter of 29 Dec. (see n. 1 above), that the vice-consul had come alongside the Constitution two days after it arrived and been given verbal instructions of the ship’s needs, and demanding an answer from Jarvis, failing which Rodgers would solicit a local merchant; (2) Jarvis to Rodgers, 1 Jan. 1805 (3 pp.; printed ibid., 245–46), acknowledging receipt of Rodgers’s first letter (see n. 1 above), stating that the rigid local quarantine would prevent the Constitution’s receiving pratique in less than fifteen or twenty days, asking for information about the ship’s departure date, contact with others, ailing crew members, and arrival date, and adding that although there had recently been a number of unemployed seamen there, the prospect of prize money following the outbreak of war between Spain and Great Britain had lured most of them into the British navy; (3) Rodgers to Jarvis, 1 Jan. 1805 “at 6 pm” (3 pp.; printed ibid., 246–47), expressing outrage that he had waited so long for a reply from Jarvis only to receive one so inadequate, complaining that the information requested before the ship could receive pratique was proper only for a merchant vessel and an insult to a government ship, stating that if he did not receive pratique immediately on his giving his word of honor that he had not had contact “with any Port, Place or thing” since leaving Syracuse, he would leave Lisbon, and complaining that he had come there because of information Jarvis had previously given American officers that Lisbon was “the most Eligiable place” to get seamen; (4) Jarvis to Rodgers, 2 Jan. 1805 (3 pp.; printed ibid., 248–49), denying Rodgers’s charge that Jarvis had neglected him, listing the things he had done for the Constitution, and expressing dismay at the tone of Rodgers’s letter; and (5) Jarvis to Rodgers, 3 Jan. 1805 (7 pp.; printed ibid., 249–51), again denying the latter’s charges, defending his own conduct, objecting strongly to Rodgers’s language, expressing surprise that Rodgers would think a warship exempt from quarantine regulations, and stating that he would do his best to arrange for the ship’s repairs and the equipment Rodgers required.

3The enclosures are Rodgers to Jarvis, (1) 4 Jan. 1805 (3 pp.; printed ibid., 253–54), continuing his quarrel with Jarvis, threatening to report him to the U.S. government, stating the terms under which sailors could enlist, and giving the size of the anchor the Constitution needed; and (2) 5 Jan. 1805 “at 9 a.m.” (3 pp.; marked “Private”; printed ibid., 258–59), defending his own language and tone in his letters and criticizing Jarvis’s as insulting. Rodgers wrote again “at ½ past 9. A. M.” enclosing a note with the measurements and desired materials for the sails and bowsprits the ship needed and adding that neither of his commanding officers had the slightest idea the Constitution would have to undergo quarantine and would have sent him elsewhere to recruit seamen had they known (printed ibid., 257–58).

4On 7 Jan. Jarvis replied (7 pp.; printed ibid., 262–64) to Rodgers’s letters of 4 and 5 Jan., stating he had had no intention of insulting the U.S. Navy, that had Rodgers employed his time in giving Jarvis information of what the ship needed “instead of writing virulent letters,” matters would have gone more expeditiously, saying Rodgers had overpaid the bonus to the seamen Jarvis had sent down on 5 Jan., that the cable and sails had been ordered, that no anchor as large as the one Rodgers needed was available at Lisbon, and suggesting perhaps the Portuguese government might supply one.

5Rodgers also wrote to Jarvis on 9 and 10 Jan. 1805 (printed ibid., 269, 273–74), stating the wages paid for “robust healthy Men,” discussing the items ordered for the ship, ordering surgical instruments for the marine hospital at Syracuse, and listing the names of the seamen sent down by Jarvis and received on board the Constitution on 9 and 10 Jan.

6Baltimore merchant Aquila Brown Jr. of Brown & Hackman had declared bankruptcy in 1801 after falsely swearing that a ship he wished to register as American was entirely his, and that his partner, Harman Henry Hackman, who was not a U.S. citizen, had no interest in it (The United States v. Grundy and Thornburgh, 3 Cranch 337–38).

7Jarvis enclosed copies of his two 19 Jan. 1805 letters to Rodgers and Rodgers’s replies of 19 and 20 Jan. 1805 (6 pp.; printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary Wars description begins Dudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1939–44). description ends , 5:293, 294, 296–97), regarding several Danish deserters who had enlisted on the Constitution; Rodgers had sent them ashore rather than returning them directly to their captain as Jarvis had requested.

8For the case of the deserting and impressed seamen, see Jarvis to JM, 20 and 26 Nov. 1804, PJM-SS, description begins Robert J. Brugger et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison: Secretary of State Series (9 vols. to date; Charlottesville, Va., 1986–). description ends 8:309–10, 327–28 and nn. 1–3.

9Jarvis referred to Overton Carr Jr. (ca. 1781–1838), who was the nephew of Jefferson’s sister, Martha Jefferson Carr. Overton Carr entered the navy as a midshipman in 1804 and resigned in 1807 (Garland Carr Broadhead, “Carr Family,” VMHB description begins Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. description ends 5 [1898]: 441; Knox, Register of Officer Personnel, 9; Daily National Intelligencer, 22 Mar. 1838).

10Jarvis enclosed copies of (1) his 28 Jan. 1805 letter to James Gambier (1 p.) stating that he understood the Wolf was in port, renewing his application for the release of American deserters Samuel Bailey and Thomas Knight and impressed seaman John Edwards, and adding that the Wolf’s not having received pratique would not hinder their release as he would ask the health officer to send them to the lazaretto; (2) Gambier to Jarvis, 5 Feb. 1805 (1 p.), enclosing a copy of James Bennet to Gambier, 2 Feb. 1805 (2 pp.), stating that he could not discharge the men as they had been entered on the books of the Wolf, that Knight and Edwards were British and Knight had declared before Bennet and several officers that he had bought an American protection, that Bennet was sending this declaration to the Admiralty as further proof “of the Contemptible and miserable Policy of the American Government, in attempting to seduce and entice from their allegiance to, their mother Country” the king’s subjects; and (3) Jarvis to Gambier, 5 Feb. 1805 (2 pp.), acknowledging his note and Bennet’s letter, saying that he would not condescend to answer the latter’s “absurd charges” couched in inappropriate and indecent language, and stating that he would transmit a copy to JM.

11Jarvis presumably referred to the St. Michael, which was captured in September 1804 when Capt. Dede Riga attempted to enter the blockaded port in company with two other vessels. For the details, see Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary Wars, description begins Dudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1939–44). description ends 5:17–21, 26, 283–91.

12PJM-SS, description begins Robert J. Brugger et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison: Secretary of State Series (9 vols. to date; Charlottesville, Va., 1986–). description ends 8:493–94.

13The enclosures are copies of Jarvis to Rodgers, 15 Jan. 1805 (1 p.), enclosing Gambier to Jarvis, 15 Jan. 1805 (3 pp.), and Rodgers to Jarvis, 16 Jan. 1805 (3 pp.) that Jarvis had initially sent in his 19 Jan. 1805 letter to JM (ibid., 495 n. 2). Jarvis also enclosed a copy of his 16 Jan. 1805 letter to Gambier (6 pp.) enclosing a copy of Rodgers’s 16 Jan. reply and supporting Rodgers’s position.

14The enclosures are copies of (1) António Araújo de Azevedo to Jarvis, 1 Dec. 1804 (1 p.; in Portuguese), with an English translation (1 p.), acknowledging Jarvis’s 22 Nov. letter (see ibid., 328 n. 1), and stating that he had spoken about the American deserters to British consul James Gambier who agreed to help. (2) Jarvis to Araújo, 19 Dec. 1804 (4 pp.), expressing his pleasure with Araújo’s 2 Dec. letter, which promised intervention in the case of John Edwards’s impressment from the Venus (see ibid., 328 n. 3), stating that he had written to Araújo on 26 Nov. about the detention of U.S. ships at the corn market and had called on him on 4 Dec., but as Araújo had not returned from the palace at Samora Jarvis had gone to see finance minister Vasconcelos on 5 Dec. who had granted the U.S. ships franquaie, after which both cargoes were sold. Jarvis added that allowing quick departure of U.S. ships would benefit Portugal by insuring a preference of U.S. grain and cited the example of a poor harvest in Britain in 1800 and its cost to the national treasury; he mentioned his 27 Aug. 1804 request for a copy of the proceedings at Pernambuco against the schooner Samuel, Daniel Savage, master, and stated that Henry Preble was expected to leave Madrid shortly with dispatches for the U.S. government; and he asked Araújo to issue an order allowing Preble to proceed without being detained for quarantine. (3) Araújo to Jarvis, 24 Dec. 1804 (2 pp.; in Portuguese), with an English translation (2 pp.), saying the orders for Preble’s journey were being expedited with as much speed as public health precautions would allow and adding that he had learned that the papers in the case of the schooner Samuel, sentenced in 1801, were not in the Department of Marine and Overseas Colonies but had been sent to the Council of Overseas Affairs, which had, in turn, sent them for legal review to another department from whence Jarvis could obtain the documents he needed. (4) Jarvis to Araújo, 14 Jan. 1805 (2 pp.), asking Araújo to order that the Constitution be supplied as soon as possible from the arsenal with a 52-quintal anchor to replace one she lost. (5) Araújo to Jarvis, 17 Jan. 1805 (1 p.; in Portuguese), with an English translation (1 p.), saying he had passed Jarvis’s request to the Minister of Marine. (6) Araújo to Jarvis, 23 Jan. 1805 (2 pp.; in Portuguese), with an English translation (1 p.), enclosing an order for a cable for the Constitution. (7) Jarvis to Araújo, 24 Jan. 1805 (1 p.), returning the order and repeating that the ship required an anchor, not a cable. (8) Anadia to Jarvis, 25 Jan. 1805 (1 p.; in Portuguese), with an English translation (1 p.), remitting an order for the sale of an anchor and apologizing for the earlier mistake. (9) Jarvis to Anadia, 4 Feb. 1805 (2 pp.), apologizing for troubling him again, but the Constitution had broken an anchor “in the last Gale” and had now only one other in addition to the one bought from the arsenal and, since it was not safe for a ship of that size to have only two anchors, asking Anadia to order that another anchor be sold him as soon as possible as the ship was on the point of leaving. (10) Anadia to Jarvis, 7 Feb. 1805 (2 pp.; in Portuguese, with an English translation; docketed by Wagner as received in Jarvis’s 9 Feb. dispatch), regretting that the small number of anchors in the arsenal prevented him from fulfilling Jarvis’s 4 Feb. request especially since the Constitution’s need was not as great as it had been at the time of the first request.

15Jarvis referred to his 5 Jan. 1805 letter to JM (PJM-SS, description begins Robert J. Brugger et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison: Secretary of State Series (9 vols. to date; Charlottesville, Va., 1986–). description ends 8:455–57).

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